Tlacolula de Matamoros is a city and municipality in the Mexican state of Oaxaca, about 30 km from the center of the city of Oaxaca on Federal Highway 190, which leads east to Mitla and the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. It is part of the Tlacolula District in the east of the Valles Centrales Region.

The city is located in the Tlacolula Valley, with is a broad valley with rich, volcanic soils.

The climate is a cross between steppe and savannah. It only receives about fifty millimeters of rain per year, but its relatively cool climate allows this to be just sufficient enough to be classified as humid. Most of this falls in the summer and fall.

Within the valley, the ground is small plains broken up by rolling hills and small streams, with larger mountains on the municipality’s edge. Most of the wild plants consist of grasses with cactus and other arid area plants, such as mesquite.

Wildlife consists of small mammals such as rabbits, opossums and moles along some species of birds. Rarely, an eagle can be seen.

The city is the commercial and political center of the Tlacolula Valley, which is named after it. This valley is home to over 60,000 people, many of whom are Zapotec speakers.

In April 2014, linguist Brook Danielle Lillehaugen, along with students from Haverford and Swarthmore Colleges, visited Tlacolula de Matamoros to present an online Tlacolula Valley Zapotec talking dictionary to local leaders. It was estimated that about 100 elderly speakers of this Zapotecan language remain.

The name most likely comes from the Nahuatl phrase tlacolullan, which means “place of abundance”.
However, some trace the origin to the Nahuatl phrase tlacololli, which means “something twisted”.
Its original Zapotec name was Guillbaan, which means “village of the burials”.

The appendage “de Matamoros” is to honor Mariano Matamoros of the Mexican War of Independence.

The Zapotecs probably arrived in the central valleys of Oaxaca in the 2nd century CE. At that time, much of the Tlacolula area was covered by a lake. Fray Juan de Torquemada thought that the Zapotecs arrived from a region called Panuco and established themselves first at Tule, with the first dominant settlement at Teotitlán del Valle. The early populations eventually drained the lake, and built a number of settlements. The first settlement nearest the modern city is at what is now San Antonio de la Cal, which was established around 1250 Eventually, the Zapotecs dominated most of the central valleys area. Tradition states that the city was first founded in Yagul, now an archeological site.

There are two competing stories as to how the modern settlement was established by the Spanish. The first states that it was founded as a way station for Europeans traveling to and from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec at the location between the Salado and Seco Rivers. However, flooding forced the community to move to the present location. The other version has the settlement founded by friars Gonzalo Lucero and Bernardino de Minaya as an evangelization center and monastery, to which the native population eventually drifted. Either way, the settlement was formally established as Santa Maria de la Asuncion Tlacolula in 1560. One of the first major constructions in the Spanish settlement was the Church of La Asunción in 1561. Many of the religious festivals which continue to this day were established around the same time.

After the establishment of the town, several haciendas were established belonging to the Alferez, Taniye and Soriano families.

During the Mexican Revolution, factions loyal to Venustiano Carranza and Francisco Villa fought for dominance here, with battles in the Sierra Juárez mountains and at the city itself.

During the 1960s and 1970s, the city was well known for counterfeit goods, which was mostly eliminated in the 1980s. Since the 2000s, it has been making a comeback, especially in the form of unlicensed CDs and DVDs.

During the 2006 Oaxaca protests, a number of “community radio stations” established to provide alternative outlets of information and propaganda. Since this time, most of these stations, including Radio Tlacolula, have not been able to get operating licenses from the federal government and exist illegally. They have also been the target of opposition forces seeking to shut them down. One effort to do so was attempted in 2008, but it was not successful.

Political tensions related to the election of a new municipal president have existed since 2009, with no apparent candidate. Much of the reason for this is the lack of support by the ejidos, or communal farm organizations. This issue for the ejidos is that the candidate must be from Tlacolula, and not candidates chosen by or associated with the state’s dominant PRI party. The current president is from the PAN party, but is an ex-PRI member who is accused of blackmail. The members of the ejidos have the right to nominate or support candidates collectively, which is normally done at a meeting called the “Caudillo del Sur.” Municipal elections are scheduled to be held in 2010.

In the early part of 2010, about 800 people organized into groups calling themselves “14 de junio,” “and “1 de mayo,” and took over lands legally belonging to Chagoya family. The people claim that they were not in possession of the land illegally and that Roberto Chagoya donated the land to families unable to afford to buy their own. The title of the land is under dispute with Ernesto Chagoya claiming ownership and denouncing the occupation. On 12 April 2010, municipal police forced the people off the land and the organizations have sought help from APPO and other organizations.

The streets of the city form rectangular grid, which spreads out from the 17th century Church of La Asunción and its adjoining plaza.

The main street extends north-south and connects to the Pan American Highway (Federal Highway 190). This main street is lined with permanents shops, which are open on Sundays for the customers that come into town for the weekly market.
Two notable stores along this street are the Mezcal Pensamento outlet and Chocolate la Tradición.

Tlacolula is a major mezcal producer, and Mezcal Pensamento offers more than twenty varieties, many of which are flavored with fruit, coffee and more.

Another important commercial location is the permanent municipal market which is located just off the main plaza. This market consists of two fifty by twenty meter semi-enclosed areas, each of which houses scores of vendors, mostly selling basic staples.

Tlacolula also has an old train station, which no longer hosts trains but does contain businesses such as a those selling bacon, fireworks and other products. The Casa de Cultura is in the municipal palace and sponsored by the Instituto Oaxaqueño de las Culturas.

The parish church, called the Church of “La Asunción de Nuestra Señora” was founded as a Dominican mission in the mid 16th century. It consists of the main church and the Chapel of the Señor del Tlacolula. The exterior and interior of the church are largely similar to other Dominican churches in the Central Valleys of Oaxaca; the retablos are adorned with silver, and the doors have ornate ironwork. In the “coro alto” (rear gallery) stands a large baroque pipe organ, restored in 2014.

A notable feature is the Baroque chapel dedicated to a crucifix called the Señor de Tlacolula, one of several “black Christ” images (Chalma, Esquipulas, Ocotitlan) that appeared mysteriously, and to which miracles are attributed. This chapel can be accessed directly from the atrium but the main entrance is from the a main nave of the church through an ornate iron gate guarded by statues. The chapel is elaborately and ornately decorated, and some of saints are depicted in unusual ways. The chapel is a regional pilgrimage site. The widespread devotion to the Señor is such that Pope Pius VII issued an indulgence stating that priests officiating at this altar can have the sins of one who has recently died completely forgiven.

The best known archeological site within the municipality proper is Yagul, a former city-stae associated with the Zapotec civilization. The site was declared one of the country’s four Natural Monuments on 13 October 1998. The site is also known locally as Pueblo Viejo (Old Village) and was occupied at the time of the Spanish Conquest. After the Conquest the population was relocated to modern Tlacolula where their descendants still live. Yagul was first occupied around 500-100 BC. Around 500-700 AD, residential, civic and ceremonial structures were built at the site. However, most of the visible remains date to 1250-1521 AD, when the site functioned as the capital of a Postclassic city-state. The site was excavated in the 1950s and 60s by archaeologists Ignacio Bernal and John Paddock.

More recently catalogued and recognized are a group of about one hundred caves and rock shelters in the Tlacolula Valley which are found in the Tlacolula and other municipalities. The significance of these caves is that many have pre-historic cave paintings and/or evidence of the transition of humans from hunter/gatherers to sedentary farmers due to the domestication of corn and other plants on the American continent. INAH has worked to recommended these caves to become a World Heritage Site with investigation and documentation ongoing. The site was inscribed onto Mexico’s “Lista Indicativa de México” in the 2000s and WHS recognition was received in 2007.

The caves and rock shelters vary in size and what they contain. Many contain paintings and other forms of graphic representation. Contents include ceramics and stone tools. The corn materials show similarities to the first vestiges of the domestication of wheat and rye in the Middle East. One of the deepest caves is called the Cueva de la Paloma. The caves have been studied since the 1960s, especially the Cueva de Guilá Naquitz (white stone in Zapotec), which has some of the best evidence for the domestication of corn and squash, which dates back more than 10,000 years. Other caves, such as those near Yagual and Mitla confirm findings at Guilá Naquitz and show human occupation to about 8000 years BCE the sites also show similarities to the Head Smashed and Buffalo Jump Complex sites in Canada. Many more smaller caves with similar artifacts are thought to exist in the area.

One of the local legends is called “La Mujer Coyota” or The Coyote Woman. A young man who was well known for being honest and hardworking fell in love with a woman from another village.

Courtship followed in the traditional manner, the two married and he went to live with her. Soon after, the woman confessed that she was a nagual (an Aztec demon) in the form of a coyote. She told the man that if he let her change him into a coyote, they could be together forever. Being in love, the man accepted immediately.

As a coyote, the man found that in order to survive, he needed to rob attack farm animals and eat the meat raw, which he had never done before. He also found that the other coyotes did not respect him, and sniffed about his woman.

One day, his hunger took him to his old village and to the home of his former childhood friend. He tried to steal food from his friend, only to be attacked with a machete. He friend cried that he was a no good coyote who had no idea how to earn his bread. Upon hearing this, the man felt shame.

He returned to his wife as asked her to change him back into a man, which she did cursing. Returned to human form, the man killed his wife-coyote and returned to being an honest worker.

At Chocolate la Tradición, chocolate is ground and mixed with sugar, spices and other ingredients to make chocolate for drinking or to use in the making of moles. Much of the chocolate sold here is for consumption in the more rural areas. Hot chocolate is a widely consumed beverage in the valley, prepared with either milk or water, and usually eaten with locally made “pan de yema” or egg yolk bread.

It is known for its breads, ice cream and traditional cooking utensils such as comals and metates as well as traditional clothing. This market has a large food area that prepares many of the area’s local and regional specialties, such as various moles (colorado, amarillo, verde and chichilo) as well as tlayudas and meats in sauces based on tomatoes and beans.

Chapulines (edible grasshoppers) can be found as well. The local version of barbacoa is with goat meat in a dark red broth. The stew is accompanied by fresh corn tortillas, cabbage, radishes, cilantro and lime. Another traditional meal is to buy your meat and have it grilled on the spot, served with tortillas and condiments.

The Sunday market

The Sunday open air market (or tianguis) of Tlacolula is one of the oldest continuous in Mesoamerica and the largest and busiest in the Central Valley region of Oaxaca. The only market of any type which is larger is the Centro de Abastos (main grocery market selling to retailers) in the city of Oaxaca. This market is part of a tradition of weekly markets which is still found in Oaxaca, where people from rural areas come the local town to buy, sell and socialize, and are a functional feature of pre-modern peasant economies. The market provides a retail outlet for those living in communities too small to support permanent retail establishments.

Each Sunday, very early in the morning, officials close the main street for eight blocks between the main plaza and the bus station, near the highway. Paying fees for the right, vendors set up stalls all over these main road and along adjoining parts of the cross streets as well. Most are covered by low hanging colorful tarps which provide protection from sun and rain and almost completely cover the streets from the buildings on one side to those on the other. The most crowded and the most desired locations are those near the plaza and the permanent municipal market buildings. The main church and the municipal palace are both barely visible above all the tarps. Both pedestrian traffic and number of stalls decrease, the further way one gets from this area.

The stalls here are set up early in the morning and taken down that night. The number of vendors on any given Sunday varies but the number usually exceeds 1,000. Counts have been as high as 1,400 and 1,600. Stalls divide into three types. The first is a simple cloth on the ground, with the vendor sitting or kneeling behind it and his/her wares all day. This cloth may contain only a few items or it may be full to the edge. The second type is a simple table or stacked boxes. The third is a stall with walls, often constructed of interconnecting metal rods. They type of stall used depends on the economics of the vendors and the types of products they sell. In addition to the stalls, street vendors walk around the market carrying their goods with them, approaching potential customers to ask for a sale.

Generally, the Sunday merchants sell everyday household items, agricultural products, prepared foods, farm animals, mezcal, clothing, jewelry, kitchen utensils, audio CDs, tools, pottery for everyday use rather than purely decorative or tourist items such as barro negro pottery. Also not generally sold are heavy, bulky goods, which cannot be carried away by hand. While it is not unusual to see bananas stacked next to blue jeans, next to tools, most vendors of similar items tend to group together in certain zones. This is not done by formal agreement, mostly tradition, social contacts and economy play roles. For example, the sellers of rugs and blankets group together north of the churchyard, across from a grouping of vendors selling expensive handmade vests. This agglomeration has advantages for both buyer and seller. In this way, a wider range of goods can be offered and comparison shopping is somewhat possible. However, not all vendors of the same merchandise choose to sell near their competitors for a number of reasons, they do not want to compete price-wise, the stall space is too expensive or they use loudspeakers to attract customers.

Market day is considered a festive day in Oaxacan towns. Ranchers, farmers and other people from rural areas come to the city to sell shop and socialize. Products, especially certain prepared foods, are available here that are generally not anywhere else. One example is tejate, a fermented corn and mamey seed drink. Most of the rural people who come to town on Sunday are indigenous, and seeing women dressed in colorful traditional garb, such as rebozos, embroidered blouses and wool skirts, is more common on this day than even in the municipal market during the week. Many of the indigenous women’s home village can be identified by their clothing. It is common to see native women carrying bundles on their backs or on their heads. This is because most sellers are women. These women tend to be quite traditional, speaking Zapotec, trading items instead of accepting money and not permitting the taking of their photographs.

In the 1960s and 1970s, locals used to jokingly refer to this market as “Tokiolula” since it carried many counterfeit and cheap items from Asia. While the counterfeit goods were mostly eliminated in the 1980s, unauthorized CDs and DVDs, as well as other counterfeit goods have made their way back into the otherwise traditional market.

Festivals

The city hosts a number of religious and secular festivals during the year. Religious festivals include the feast of the Virgen del Rosario, (which was filmed by researchers from the University of Arizona), Day of the Dead and the feast of the Señor de Tlacolula.

For Day of the Dead, the municipality sponsors an “ofrenda” (Day of the Dead altar) for grade school children. The first prize was $5000 MXN.

The feast of the Christ of Tlacolula is held on the second Sunday of October, lasting five days, which is celebrated not only with traditional Masses, processions, folk dances and fireworks, but also with the Mixtec version of the Mesoamerican ball game.

The “Fiestas de las Cruces” last for two months from May to the early part of July.

To promote its principle products, the city hosts the annual Feria de Mezcal, Artesanía y Gastronomía (Mezcal, Crafts and Gastronomy Festival) in October.

Local Traditions

Despite its city status, one rural indigenous custom which is still practiced is the “tequio.” This is a form of communal work which is unpaid and done by community members for the public benefit. It is most often performed for infrastructure services such as laying water mains. Sometimes the tequio also consists of paying for part of the project.

Another tradition which can still be found is the use of a “marriage broker” to get families to agree to the event.

The name Ocotlan is from Nahuatl and means “among the ocote trees” with the appendage “de Morelos” added in honor of José María Morelos y Pavón.

During the colonial period the area was known as Santo Domingo Ocotlán due to the Dominican friars who created a monastery here dedicated to Saint Dominic.

The Zapotec name for the area is “Lachiroo” which means “large valley” although some Zapotecs in the Tlacolula area called it “Guelache” which means “plaza of the valley”.

The territory’s geography varies from mountains to flat valley area with some rolling hills. Principle elevations include Yavitise, and Guevexco which are part of the mountain region located to the east and Santa Catarina Minas and San Miguel Tilquiapam to the west.

The main surface water is the Ocotlan River, which is a tributary of the Atoyac. Other rivers include the Chilana, Santa Rosa, Rio Grande, Riod Chichicapan, San Pablo, Taviche, Atoyac, Guanibay, Rio Bravo, La Garzona, Del Panteon and Paraiso. In addition there are intermittent streams that principally flow during the rainy season.

The climate is temperate with some variation in temperature during the year and a moderate rainy season in the summer and early autumn. Most of the municipality’s flora and fauna has been disturbed by man, with flat areas converted into farmland or settlements. Forests of pine and ocote still exist in the higher elevations.

There are deposits of gold, silver, iron, coal, lead, copper, zinc, antimony, titanium, asbestos and other minerals.

There is a processing plant which makes vegetable oil, with mezcal and dairy products produced in small workshops. Crafts include textiles and ceramics. Most working in commerce has small family businesses.

The ethnicity of the first populations of this area is not known, but one of the earliest settlements is a site called Tortolita, located two km from the modern town center.

When the Spanish arrived, the settlement had about 2,000 inhabitants, which is why the monastery was eventually founded here.

In 1538, the bishopric sent Dominicans to found a parish. The monastery was founded in 1555 and called Santo Domingo de Ocotlán.

The official founding of the town by Diego Hernandez Domingo Luis and Juan Vazquez also occurred in 1555. The complex was never finished because the local people also worked in the mines established nearby.

By the 18th century, Octolan has eight small neighborhoods including one called Santa María Tocuela (the oldest) and San Juan Chilatece in which the market was founded.

During the Mexican War of Independence, Morelos camped here for three days on his way to Acapulco. Ocotlan was officially declared a town in 1875.

In 1916, forces loyal to Venustiano Carranza successfully defended the town from an attack led by General Macario Hernandez. Ocotlan was officially declared a city in 1926.

Since the Mexican Revolution, the city has been mostly quiet but the current construction of a superhighway linking the city of Oaxaca has been bringing changes to the area.

The road called Camino Real a San Juan was recently paved, and event that drew the attendance of the governor of Oaxaca. Other newly paved roads include Calle Industria, Calle Francisco Villa and Calle Ayuntamiento. The new paving is meant to relieve traffic congestion on the roads to Ejutla de Crespo and the city of Oaxaca by providing alternate routes for current and future traffic.

In 2006, the social uprisings that affected much of Oaxaca affected Ocotlán. Much of the social unrest centered around the mines that are located in the municipality and consequences continue to this day.

In 2009, protesters from several communities in the municipality blocked a highway to demand the cancellation of an arrest warrant against residents who opposed the operation of a mine and demand talks to close the La Trinidad mine. The mine belongs to a Mexican-Canadian company called Cuxcatlan. Protesters claim the mine is polluting their lands. The protesters were supported by Section 22 of the SNTE and APPO.

An unrelated controversy in 2008 involved child pornography charges against the Colegio Guadalupe school. Implicated are several parents and photographer Norberto Dionisio Martinez. The photographs in question involved partially nude women, men and children in a classroom at the school. Angry parents have protested and sued the school although those involved claimed no pornographic acts were involved.

The city can seem like an ordinary and even empty town at first glance. However, because of its geographic location on the south end of the Central Valleys region of Oaxaca, the city is a distribution center for local towns and smaller cities such as Santa Lucía Miahuatlán.

It is also a point of transit for those traveling between the state capital and the coast, a role that will be enforced with the completion of the new modern highway.

One reason the area is relatively quiet is that for many years, until recently, its churches, monastery, plazas and gardens lay unkempt against the effects of the sun and time, as well as vandalism. Most of the restoration work was sponsored by artist Rodolfo Morales, a native of Ocotlán.

Ex-convent of Santo Domingo de Guzmán

The city’s main attraction is the Temple and Ex-convent of Santo Domingo de Guzmán. The complex was constructed in various stages between the 16th and 19th centuries. The construction of the monastery was halted on several occasions due the lack of manpower, due to the discovery of mines nearby such as Santa Catarina. The main vault, apse, choir and sacristy of the church were not finished until 1669. The pillars of the cloister were begun at this time as well, but were never finished.

From then until the early 19th century, much of the complex was poorly maintained and fell into ruins. Starting in 1804, the Dominicans worked to rehabilitate the building, with attempts continuing until the complex was appropriated by the federal government during the Reform Laws. Ocotlan was one of the last towns in Oaxaca to still have friars in residence in the 19th century but by 1855, the last one had left. By 1885, the monastery area was completely abandoned, but the church was still functioning and remaining in relatively good condition.

After it was no longer used as a monastery, the complex has several uses, including that of a prison, where inmates made crafts. In the latter 20th century, the Rodolfo Morales Foundation restored and converted the monastery space into a museum, which contains one room with works by Morales, one room with Oaxaca crafts and one room with artwork from the colonial period. There are also sound and book libraries. In the courtyard where the old pillory is, are held cultural events and photography shoots. The church was also restored by the foundation, but maintains its religious function.

The church is fronted by a very large atrium fenced by a stone wall. The main facade has two bodies and a crest with both Baroque and Neoclassical elements. The first body contains the door arch and the second is marked by the choir window. Both bodies are flanked by columns with Ionic order capitols. The columns extend up the facade and have profuse vegetative decoration. At the top, there is a shell. In the interior is the Chapel of the Senor de la Sacristia, which is decorated in Neoclassical style. In both the church and the chapel are found a large number of colonial-era santos (statues of saints), many executed in fine polychrome and well preserved.

Municipal palace

The municipal palace has a sober Neoclassic facade built with pink stone, with columns and pediments. The main feature are the arches which rest on columns with rectangular bases, forming portals. It was designed to be a focus point for social interaction. The main feature of the interior is the mural work done in the council chambers by Rodolfo Morales in the 1950s, when he was a young man. The mural work depicts scenes from the history of Ocotlán as well as landscapes and representative scenes such as the municipality markets, mining and agriculture. Unfortunately, this work does not receive the care it deserves as the chambers have been used for storage as well as meetings. This palace was constructed to commemorate the Centennial of Mexican Independence which occurred in 1910, and was completed in 1913.

Railroad station

The Octolan railroad station was built along the old Ferrocarril San Jerónimo to San Pablo Huixtepec line in 1906. In 1909, a second platform was built.

Nova Universitas University

The eighth campus of the Nova Universitas University, part of the SUNEO system, was inaugurated by Oaxaca governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz in the city. The college focuses on providing educational opportunities to indigenous populations. Professors give classes both in person at the campus and provide distance learning through big screens in remote classrooms with special monitors to allow student-teacher dialogue. The distance learning scheme allows students in Ocotlan to study with professors from other parts of the state and even attend classes offered in foreign countries. The first degrees offered are Computer Science and Agricultural Science. The school also offered adult and remedial education.

The city has a tuna ensemble called the “Tuna Universitaria Santo Domingo de Guzman.” This group organizes recitals, inviting other tuna ensembles. The ensemble was founded in 1978 with the objective of preserving the music and traditions associated with the musical style and receives funding from Oaxaca state as well as from private sources.

Rodolfo Morales House

The Rodolfo Morales house is a mansion from the 18th century which he rescued and lived in. Today, the building is a cultural center with an open-air theatre, which can seat 200 people, galleries of work by local artists and a computer center. All activities and resources here are offered free of charge.

The house is located just north of the main square and preserves a number of Morales personal effects, including collages. The building is also home to the Fundación Cultural Rodolfo Morales, A. C (Rodolfo Morales Cultural Foundation), which is a private, nonprofit organization which promotes education and culture in the Ocotlan District of the state of Oaxaca. The Foundation realizes restorations, the maintenance and conservation of architectural monuments, paintings and sculptures and trains young people in restoration work. The foundation was created in 1992 by Rodolfo Morales.

Rodolfo Morales

The town is intimately linked with the life of painter Rodolfo Morales. He has depicted it in his works and has worked to save many of its historic and architectural treasures. The artist’s work is devoted to images from this hometown, including local churches, indigenous women, religious procession and others. Art critic Julio Cesar Schara states that Ocotlan is a down without grace or major heroes but Morales reinvented the area with his own imagination, painting Neoclassic palaces, angels, fairies to express how he felt about the place. One of his last works called “Mercados” depicts market scenes from the town painted on columns.

Rodolfo Morales’ career as an artist developed in fits and starts. In the 1950s, Morales was commissioned to do the mural work in the municipal palace of Ocotlan, painting it with historical and current scenes related to the municipality. Much of this mural work shows similarities to mural work done by Diego Rivera. From that time to the 1970s, Morales remained in obscurity, teaching art privately and for a UNAM affiliated preparatory school. In the 1970s, his work was discovered by Mexican painter Rufino Tamayo, when Morales was in his 50s. This later work was more surreal than that of the mural he painted when he was younger. From the time of his discovery by Tamayo until 1986, Morales continued to work at the preparatory school even though his work was being sold in Europe, Mexico and the United States. In 1986, Morales retired from teaching to paint full-time. The production from this time period brought him fame and fortune, allowing him to sponsor civic projects in his hometown.

In 1992, he established the Rodolfo Morales Foundation dedicated to fomenting the culture of Oaxaca and supporting the youth of Ocotlan. The artist died in 2001. Much of the restoration work in the monastery and church were done by Morales himself, including feminizing the angels and making the faces more solemn. While Morales is Ocotlán’s best known creative mind, the town has been associated with crafts for generations. Some of the crafts still practiced here include basketry, textiles in the form of rebozos and other traditional clothing embroidered in silk thread, blade making, saddlemaking and miniatures in lead. The town is known for its red clay pottery, which is often painted in various colors. Octolan is part of a stretch of road on which are a number of crafts towns such as San Bartolo Coyotepec, San Martin Tilcajete, Santo Tomás Jlietza and Santa Ana Zegache.

Crafts and artisans

While the men dominate the rug-weaving and woodcarving industries in Oaxaca, the women reign with their pottery. This is true in Ocotlan as well. The best known pottery family in Ocotlan is the Aguilar. The dynasty begins with potter Isaura Alcantara Diaz, a potter. Isaura learned the traditional pottery making techniques of the Oaxaca Valley, which was mostly limited to making utilitarian items. She began to experiment with figures and more decorative pieces, with some of her pieces making their way into the Rockefeller collection, but died prematurely at the age of 44. Before she died, she taught potting to her children Josefina, Guillermina, Irene, Concepción and Jesús. Due to their mother’s death, the children began working early, with Josefina being only seven. Poverty prevented the children from attending school. Like their mother, they began and mostly made pots and other kitchen utensils but they also worked to develop clay figures. Over time, these siblings became renowned for their fanciful painted clay figures that celebrate everyday life. Today, these siblings still work and much of the third generation are craftsmen as well. Some, such as Demetrio Garcia Aguilar, are making a name for themselves as well.

Josefina Aguilar has been noted for her ceramic work since 1977 when she won the third Premio Nacional de Arte (National Art Prize) in 1977. Later, she would win statewide and other nationwide honors and would show her work internationally in places such as the United States and Europe, and her work can be found around the world. Guillermina Aguilar Alcantara is known for her nativity scenes, wedding scenes, candle sticks and other works done in clay. She and her sister Irene have also won a number of awards and has exported her wears to over a dozen countries. Much of this exporting success was due to a grant by Fomento Cultural Banamex which allowed the family operation to purchase shipping equipment.

Another known craftsman is Angel Aguilar, who is known for making knives, swords, machetes and the like using the same techniques as those used in the 16th century. Aguilar began making blades when he was ten, taught by his father and uncle. He is now teaching the craft to the next generation.

Some of the traditional foods here include several types of mole (negro, rojo, Amarillo, coloradito and more), chichilo, tasajo, tamales in banana leaves and tacos with chapulines (fried grasshoppers).

Another favorite is ice cream in flavors such as nut, cactus fruit, guanabana, horchata and others.

Sweet breads such as “mamones” “rosquitas” “marquezotes” and coconut tortillas are popular as well.

Most of the food products are locally made, including chapulines, animal crackers made with piloncillo and ice cream.

A number of important traditions are maintained in the community. The feast of the Virgin of Ocotlán is celebrated on 15 May. Most of the festivities take place on the main square of the town with live music and regional food, especially tamales and atole.

The feast of the Señor de la Sacristia is celebrated on the third Sunday in May. One old tradition that is still maintained is a dancing procession to bring the bride and groom their wedding gifts to their new home.
However, the most important tradition is the weekly Friday market day (tianguis), which is one of the oldest and largest in the Central Valleys region of Oaxaca. Produce and products from surrounding towns are available as well as manufactured products.

Market day is not just buying and selling for rural and indigenous communities, it is a festive ritual which has been held regularly for thousands of years, attracting both locals and families from small outlying villages to both buy and sell. It is an opportunity for many to socialize with distant neighbors.

Market day begins very early for both residents and those who travel to the town to sell. Many products such as plants, flowers, fruit, lime for tortillas, live animals, fabric, ceramics, baskets, knives, saddles, hats, rope, alebrijes, traditional footwear and drinks such as mezcal and tejate.

Many of the products are the crafts produced by other towns in the Central Valleys region of Oaxaca, such as textiles of Jalietza, and San Antonino Castillo Velasco and the alebrijes of San Martín Tilcajete.

Prepared regional specialties are also offered here and the adjacent permanent municipal market.

San Bartolo Coyotepec is a town and municipality located in the center of the Mexican state of Oaxaca. It is in the Centro District of the Valles Centrales region about fifteen km south of the capital of Oaxaca.

The most important elevations are Piedra Redonda, Chivaguia Grande, Chivaguia Chica, Guinise Grande, Loma del Cuche, La Peñas, and Guibetes. The Atoyac and Valiente Rivers pass through here.

The municipality has a temperate climate with winds mostly from the north.

The area was the settled homeland of the ancient Mesoamerican Zapotec civilization going back at least 2500 years, with the oldest archeological finds being in the Valley of Oaxaca. Its Zapotec language name is Zaapeche, the place of many jaguars (Panthera onca).

In 1521, the area became Bartolomé Sánchez who named the settlement, San Jacinto Leontepec. Later, this was changed to the current name. San Bartolo refers to the patron saint, Bartholomew, and Coyotepec is from Nahuatl meaning “hill of coyotes”.

A pottery community of 2,000 years

San Bartolo is a Zapotec community, which has been making pottery for about 2,000 years.

The clay of this area produces a distinctive color, which for most of San Bartolo’s history was a Grey matte. This clay has been used to produce utilitarian objects such as jars, dishes, and other storage containers.

The techniques for making pottery have changed little during these centuries, with plates serving as potters’ wheels and designs remaining traditional. One change has been the replacement of underground pits with kilns for firing the pieces.

However, the most important innovation has been a polishing method devised by ceramic artist and potter Doña Rosa in the 1950s. Doña Rosa discovered that by polishing the nearly dry clay before firing, the gray color turned to a shiny black.

This has made pottery far more popular, and many pieces are produced now for decorative purposes rather than utilitarian.

Since then, the aesthetic qualities of “barro negro” (black clay) pottery has become further appreciated due to the work of artisan-sculpture Carlomagno Pedro Martinez, who has displayed his barro negro work nationally and internationally.

Spanish era

The end of the pre-Columbian era arrived with the Spanish conquest and occupation of the Zapotec peoples region in 1521.

It was first renamed ‘San Jacinto Leóntepec,’ It then changed again to ‘San Bartolomé Coyotepec,’ by Bartolomé Sanchez, a soldier of Hernán Cortés awarded a local Encomienda.

The first church was built in 1532. From its Spanish foundation was one of the larger settlements with three neighborhoods. This settlement was laid out by the same architect who designed the city of Oaxaca.

Vicente Guerrero passed through here after he was taken prisoner, and Porfirio Díaz hid here during the French Intervention in Mexico.

The center of the town is similar to that of the city of Oaxaca, with a main plaza, parish church, and municipal palace.

The eastern side of the main plaza is dominated by a ceiba tree. In the tianguis or other markets, one can find regional dishes such as mole negro, mole coloradito, cequeza, higaditos and stews made from chicken or turkey.

There are some pre-Hispanic remains of buildings that were ceremonial centers or houses for the ruling class. The rest of the town is divided into three neighborhoods:

• San Bartolo
• San Mateo
• Santa María

Mercado Artesanal (Crafts Market)

However, two of the main attractions for the town are Mercado Artesanal (Crafts Market) filled mostly with barro negro pottery, and the Museo Estatal de Arte Popular de Oaxaca (State Museum of Popular Art of Oaxaca).

State Museum of Popular Art of Oaxaca – MEAPO

The Museo Estatal de Arte Popular de Oaxaca – MEAPO, the State Museum of Popular Art of Oaxaca, was founded in 2004 to promote and preserve the traditional crafts of this state.

The museum was designed by and is cared for by a commission of craftsmen from San Bartolo Coyotepec. The museum sponsors events such as the “Tianguis artisanal”, a crafts flea market, along with other civic groups.

The museum has three halls.

The first exhibits some of the finest pieces of barro negro pottery from San Bartolo Coyotepec as well as archeological finds from the area.

The second contains 92 pieces of prizewinners from the Concurso Estatal de Cerámica “Benito Juárez” (Benito Juarez State Ceramics Competition) which is sponsored by the ‘Artesanias e Industrias Populares del Estado de Oaxaca’ -ARIPO and contains various types of pottery and ceramics from Santa Maria Atzompa, San Marcos Tlapazola, Tamazulapan, Ocotlán, and San Antonino Castillo Velasco.

The third hall contains examples of the woodworking of the San Martín Tilcajete community. Craftsmen from this community helped with the building of the museum and Masks are the featured item here.

The permanent collection contains pieces from about 300 artisans in Oaxaca.

The museum’s roots extend to 1905 when local resident Manuel Guzmán donated land for the establishment of a cultural center. The site was used first as a municipal library and then as a primary school.

However, it was not until 1994 when a group of youths worked to build a museum that would be dedicated to barro negro pottery.

That same year, the state government allocated 25,000 pesos to rehabilitate the building on the site, and local artist Carlomagno Pedro Martinez raised 80,000 pesos to install modern equipment.

In 1996, the museum was founded as a community museum, with its initial collection. In that year, it sponsored, along with ARIPO – Artesanías e Industrias Populares del Estado de Oaxaca, the first crafts competition.

The museum struggled for a while financially until it signed a cooperation agreement with the ‘Instituto Oaxaqueño de las Culturas,’ the Oaxaca Institute of Cultures, which required a restructuring of the museum.

In 2002, the community museum closed with the aim of building the current one.

In 2004, the current museum opened with the aim of presenting the crafts history of the entire state of Oaxaca, Mexico.

The museum has held temporary exhibits such as “Mujeres tejiendo historias” (Women knitting stories), “Grandes Maestros del Arte Popular de Oaxaca” (Grand Masters of Popular Art in Oaxaca) and “Historia y evolución del barro negro” (History and evolution of barro negro pottery).

The new museum opened with new furniture and was designed to international standards. The idea is to create a collection of popular art that represents the eight regions of the state of Oaxaca.

The mission is to promote Oaxacan handcrafts and popular art to the state’s, Mexican, and international communities, as well as foster exchanges among artisans and promote tourism based on crafts. This includes the weaving and textile arts in Oaxacan traditions.

The museum was built here to decentrale state cultural institutions. The museum offers guided tours in Spanish and English, workshops for adults and children, and spaces to rent for events.

Academy of Baseball

In 2009 the Academy of Baseball was founded in San Bartolo Coyotepec by Alfredo Harp Helú.

The academy has six instructors and can accommodate sixty students between fourteen and seventeen years of age. The goal is to prepare young people who hope to have a career in the sport while supporting the completion of their education. It is the first of its kind in Mexico and the founder hopes that there will be more.

The facilities cover more than ten hectares and include a library, computer center, three baseball fields, and living quarters for students. Murals were commissioned for the project including “El Camino del Sol for el cielo” by José Luis Garcia and a barro negro mural by Carlomagno Pedro called “Juego en el inframundo”.

Very near there are two other communities called Animas Trujano and San Juan Bautistas la Raya founded around the same time as San Bartolo Coyotepec, but they are not considered part of the town proper.

Next to the town is the hill called Zaapech or Jaguar Mountain which has always been considered sacred.

One of the major festivals here is Candlemas.

The patron saint, Bartholomew the Apostle is feasted in August. During festivals such as these, local traditional dances such as De la Pluma and De los Jardineros Moros y Cristianos can be seen. Both date from the Spanish Conquest.

Teotitlán del Valle is a small village and municipality located in the Tlacolula District in the east of the Valles Centrales Region, 31 km from the city of Oaxaca in the foothills of the Sierra Juárez mountains.

As the seat of a municipality, the town of Teotitlán del Valle is the governing authority over nine other named communities, which covers a territory of 81.54km2. The total municipal population is 5,601 of which 4,427 or 79% live in the town proper.

The municipality is located in the Central Valleys region of Oaxaca, 31 km from the city of Oaxaca in the foothills of the Sierra Juárez mountains and the seat in located in a small level area in the same.

Principle elevations include the Gueliaa, Cerro Grande Quiea Less and Dai-N Nizz. Rivers include the Grande, the Gueu-Liaa, Guen-Dzu, Gue Duin, La Tchuvi, the Gue Ve-U and Gue Ya with one dam called the Piedra Azul.

It has a temperate climate similar to that of the city of Oaxaca. Vegetation here is mixed with a number of tree species. Wildlife is dominated by various bird species such as falcons, owls and ravens as well as small mammals such as opossums, skunks, and rabbits.

The name Teotitlán comes from Nahuatl and means “land of the gods”.

The original word Teocaltítlān means “Near the god’s home”.
teō = “god”, cal = “home”, ti-tlān = “near to”.

This village is considered to be one of the first that was founded by the Zapotecs around 1465.

It was originally named Xa-Guie, which means “at the foot of the mountain”.

According to research done by Manuel Martínez Gracida, there was a large stone split in half with the name of the Stone of the Sun.

It was the first idol of the Zapotecs here. It was believed that a god came from the heavens in the form of a bird, accompanied by a constellation of stars to found the temple here.

Established in 1465, it was one of the first villages founded by Zapotec peoples in this area and retains its Zapotec culture and language.

Teotitlán del Valle was refounded as a Spanish village in 1527. It is believed that the father of one of the Niños Heroes, by the name of Agustín Melgar, was from here, due to village records bearing his name.

The Preciosa Sangre de Cristo Church

The Preciosa Sangre de Cristo Church is the main church of the town and municipality and was begun in 1581, although not completed until 1758. This church was built on the site of a local Zapotec temple, which was destroyed when the Spanish arrived, replacing it with this church. In the foundations of the church, some of the construction of the original temple can be seen.

The facade of the church is made of quarried stone called cantera with decorative stonework in the main entrance and choir window.

On the side of the church is a small archeological area.

Inside the church there are traces of 16th century decoration with pre-Hispanic motifs. The interior is also notable for a large number of colonial-era santos or statues of saints, many executed in fine polychrome that is well preserved to the present day. Another religious attraction is the Chapel of Cristo Grande located in a private home on Aquiles Serdan Street.

Community Museum Balaa Xtee Guech Gulal

The name of the community museum is Balaa Xtee Guech Gulal, which means “in the shadow of the old village/people”.

The museum opened in 1995 and the most recent addition is a display dedicated to the Danza de la Pluma (“Feather Dance”). The museums contains sign in Spanish, English and Zapotec.

There are three main halls, one dedicated to the archaeology of the municipality, one to crafts, and one to traditional weddings.

The archeological hall contains mostly etched stones and ceramic items, which visitors can touch. A number of the pieces show signs of Olmec visitation to the area around 500 BCE.

The crafts room contains items such as old photographs, looms, exhibits on how wool is processed and dyes are made and used to make textiles.

The wedding hall contains a recreation of the groom performing his customary, ceremonial obligations, such as gifts. There is also a wedding mural.

Many birders come to view birds, especially above the Piedra Azul Dam. They are mostly targeting the “dry interior” endemics, like ocellated thrasher, bridled sparrow, dwarf vireo, Oaxaca sparrow, Boucard’s wren, gray-breasted woodpecker, slaty vireo, dusky hummingbird, and Sumichrast’s scrub-jay.

Birds can also been seen at the Benito Juárez dam when it fills during the rainy season in the summer.
Winter months (November–March) are the best time to see migratory birds, including herons and kingfishers.

In addition to birdwatching, other activities available in the mountain areas include hiking, horseback riding and mountain biking.

The two main attractions in the mountains are El Pichacho Peak, or Cerro Gie Bets (“stone brother” in Zapotec) and the Cuevita del Pedimento caves. Both are within hiking distance but permission is required and can be obtained from the community museum.

El Picacho is considered to be sacred, and its peaks offers a wide view of the Tlacolula Valley.

The Cuevita del Pedimento is a set of three caves that are customarily visited on New Year’s in order to petition the image of the Virgin Mary there for favors for the following year.

The most characteristic dishes here include mole negro, mole amarillo, liver with eggs and tamales, which can be filled with mole, corn, cheese, or chicken. Popular local beverages include hot chocolate, atole, atole with pulque, and mezcal.

According to the Enciclopedia de los Municipios de Mexico, one custom of betrothal involves the prospective groom going to the prospective bride’s parents, bringing gifts such as bread, candles, decorations, chocolate and fruit.

Another is to “rob” the girl, then find someone to negotiate a wedding with the parents. This person generally is someone with a good reputation in the community and usually is a senior citizen. She or he communicates the intentions of the boy and states where the girl is, often with fireworks to indicate the location. After negotiations, the parents set a wedding date and all come together to arrange the wedding.

The town’s major festival is the Feast of the Precious Blood of Christ which occurs each year on the first Wednesday of July and lasts about a week. The event has carnival rides and a basketball tournament but the main feature is “Danza de la Pluma” or Feather Dance (called Guyach in Zapotec). Dancers wear elaborate headdresses made from painted feathers, giving rise to the name in Spanish. The dance commemorates the conquest of the Aztec by the Spanish.

Textiles of Teotitlán del Valle

The community is famous for its weavings called “laadi” in the local language, with textiles as the main economic activity. This community is known for its woven wool rugs which use natural dyes such as those obtained by the cochineal insect. These rugs can have native indigenous motifs or more modern designs. The other main economic activity is agriculture.

Weaving in this village dates back at least until 500 BCE. The earliest weavings used cotton and ixtle and utilized the backstrap loom. Teotitlán would pay its financial tribute to the Aztecs in weavings. More modern weaving was introduced here by Dominican bishop Juan López Dezárate around 1535 when the bishop brought sheep and treadle looms to the area. The new materials and looms allowed for the weaving a large, heavy duty items such as rugs, serapes and blankets. Over time the village grew and began specializing solely in rugs to be used for trade or sale in markets of other towns in the other parts of the state. With the completion of the Pan-American Highway in the late 1940s, the area was connected with Mexico City, opening up markets. In the 1950s with air travel, tourists began coming to Oaxaca and taking interest in the crafts. A famed Zapotec weaver was Arnulfo Mendoza of Casa Serra Sagrada in Teotitlan, owner of La Mano Majica gallery in Oaxaca City.

The rugs are handcrafted from wool and most of the designs are woven from the craftsmen’s memory. Designs include Zapotec and Mixtec glyphs and fretwork, Navajo designs (a contentious issue) and more contemporary designed including reproductions of works by famous artists such as Picasso, Joan Miró, Matisse, Diego Rivera or Rufino Tamayo. The making of the rugs begins the washing of the raw wool to rid it of dirt and residues. Next it is carded then spun into yarn. The yarn is wound into large balls to prepare for dying with natural dyes such as those obtained from the needle bush, indigo, cochineal, “musgo de roca”, Brazilwood, Mexican marigold and others. some workshops use chemical dyes. The looms are hand-operated.

Weaving is done by both sexes in family workshops in which artisans of all ages participate in the work. About 150 families are involved in the craft, as well as several families that specialize in candle-making. One such workshop is the Artesanía Casa Santiago, located on the town’s main street since 1966. Most weavers work in agriculture as well as weaving but increasing consumer demand has prompted some to spend more time weaving. Workshops such as these even take custom orders with images of modern items such as a request for a wall hanging promoting Pentax cameras.

Many of the workshops permit visitors to enter and see how the rugs and other textiles are made. Some of the workshops have broadened their offerings to include wall hangings, handbags, pillow covers, jackets, ponchos and dresses.

You can dial 078 from any phone, where you can find free information about tourist attractions, airports, travel agencies, car rental companies, embassies and consulates, fairs and exhibitions, hotels, hospitals, financial services, migratory and other issues.

Or dial the toll-free (in Mexico) number 01-800-006-8839.

You can also request information to the email correspondencia@sectur.gob.mx

MORE EMERGENCY NUMBERS:

General Information: 040 (not free)

National Emergency Service: 911

Radio Patrols: 066
Police (Emergency): 060
Civil Protection: +52(55)5683-2222
Anonymous Complaint: 089

Setravi (Transport Mobility): +52(55)5209-9913
Road Emergency: 074

Cruz Roja: 065 o +52(55)5557-5757
Firefighters: 068 o +52(55)5768-3700

The people of Juchitán have led some local revolts over time.

In 1834, “Che Gorio Melendre”, a native of Juchitán, directed a revolt against the government of Oaxaca, demanding the control of salt mines on the coast located the southwest of Juchitán and for local autonomy of the county.

The revolt was interrupted by the Mexican–American War in 1847.

Irregular troops commanded by Melendre joined the resistance against the invasion.

After the invasion by the United States, the governor of Oaxaca, Benito Juárez responded to the local demands of Che Gorio Melendre on May 19, 1850, by sending troops to burn the city of Juchitán and to assassinate their leader Melendre.

On September 5, 1866, during the French intervention in Mexico, the indigenous people of Juchitán, Unión Hidalgo, San Blas Atempa, and Ixtaltepec defeated the Royal French Army stationed in Tehuantepec.

Most of the army of Porfirio Díaz, later the dictator of Mexico, were natives of Juchitán. José Fructuoso Gómez, nicknamed Che Gómez directed a 1910 revolt in support of the Mexican Revolution, allied with Zapata and Villa.

In the 1970s, a group of left-wing students, workers, and farmers organized with the intent of taking control of the local county through elections, instead of by force.

In February 2001, Juchitán municipality received the caravan of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN).

The violent history of Juchitán involves the strategic geopolitical location of the area, which is located on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the thin part of Mexico between the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico.

The zone has been coveted by many countries since the McLane–Ocampo Treaty, which was signed in December 1859. Under the treaty, President Benito Juárez received a loan in exchange for the use of the isthmus of Tehuantepec by the United States.

In the 1970s an attempt to resurrect the treaty, called the Alfa–Omega project, was aborted. In 2000, the project was finally approved as the Plan Puebla Panama.

Gamesa and Iberdrola are currently making important investments in Juchitán, to create a big wind power eolic park -called Proyecto La Venta II- able to produce at least 88 megawatts of energy.

The project will make Juchitán the center of the alternative energies in Mexico becoming an example to the rest of Latin America as the eolic park would be the largest in all the region.

This project has been criticized because of the lack of information given by Gamesa, Iberdrola, and the Mexican Government about its possible ecological, political, and cultural consequences on a region where its culture is based on the property of the land used by the Proyecto La Venta II.

In 2006, it was renamed “Heroica Ciudad de Juchitán de Zaragoza” (Heroic City of Juchitán de Zaragoza), a degree given by the State Congress regarding its inhabitants’ defense against the French Invasion.

Citizens of Juchitán have also made contributions to the arts, such as painting, poetry, music, folk dance, and sculpture. In May, residents celebrate the Fiesta de las Velas (Festival of the Candles) in honor of its patron saint San Vicente Ferrer, with a large procession.

Shortly before midnight on 7 September, the 2017 Chiapas earthquake struck off the coast of Chiapas, registered at either 8.1 or 8.2. The historic earthquake was said to be the strongest in a century in México.

Juchitán de Zaragoza, being on the Oaxacan coast, was one of the most damaged cities from the earthquake.

Apart from whole streets getting destroyed, its 1860-built monumental municipal palace suffered a notable destruction, with a large part of the building completely collapsed.

In the aftermath of the quake, a resident retrieved the national flag of Mexico and placed it on top of the rubble – the image quickly went viral and became a symbol of patriotism and national unity in the disasters-stricken nation.

Salina Cruz is situated near the mouth of the Río Tehuantepec, on the open coast of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec on the Gulf of Tehuantepec, and has no natural harbor.

There was only a small Native village before Salina Cruz was chosen as the Pacific terminus of the Tehuantepec National Railway, whereupon a modern town was laid out and built on adjacent higher ground and an artificial harbor was built by the Mexican government to accommodate the expected traffic.

The new port was opened to traffic in 1907 and in 1909 its population was largely composed of labourers.

The harbor was formed by the construction of two breakwaters, the western 990 m and the eastern 580 m long, which curve toward each other at their outer extremities and leave an entrance 194 m wide.

The enclosed space is divided into an outer and inner harbor by a double line of quays wide enough to carry six great warehouses with electric cranes on both sides and several railway tracks.

Connected with the new port works was one of the then-largest dry docks in the world 190 m long and 27 m wide, with a depth of 8.5 m on its sill at low water. The works were planned to handle an immense volume of transcontinental freight, and before they were finished four steamship lines had arranged regular calls at Salina Cruz.

On the last Monday of July, the Zaachila community meets in the archeological site, better known as “El Cerrito,” to honor the Corn Goddes (Pitao Ko Shuub), in traditional Laanii Roo Xten Daan Zaadxil.

The Goddes Pitao Ko Shuub is chosen among several young women who previously enrolled in a contest, the main demanded features are long black hair, they must have brown skin, and share the theme of the history of Zaachila.

The chosen one will be the host of all the activities of the festival.

Likewise, for several months, the 10 neighborhoods that make up the population have organized themselves to represent one of the representative dances of some region of the State of Oaxaca, among which the following stand out: the Tuxtepec pineapple flower, the Ejutla syrup, the Chileans from the coast, the Mixe syrup, the dances of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and as a contribution from the central valleys we find the dance of the feather and the stilt walkers, the latter are young people who dance on stilts approximately 1.5 meters high.

In this festivity, the ejidal authorities also get involved, and they are in charge of giving the participants tepache (a fruit-fermented beverage), mezcal, atole, and tamales.

This festival is one of the most colorful and joyful in the region because, in this festival cultural events, calendas, parades, culinary samples, and other events are celebrated too.

Yagul comes from the Zapotec language, it is formed from ya (tree) and gul (old), hence “old tree”.

Yagul is located just off Highway 190 between the city of Oaxaca and Mitla, about 36 km from the former. The site is situated on a volcanic outcrop surrounded by fertile alluvial land, in the Tlacolula arm of the Valley of Oaxaca. The Salado river flows to the south.

Occupation at Yagul dates as far back as the Middle to Late Preclassic. Elaborate Preclassic period burials have been excavated at Yagul, accompanied by ceramic effigy vessels that indicate the increasing influence of Monte Albán upon the local elite.

In the Late Postclassic, immediately prior to the Spanish Conquest, Yagul had a population of more than 6000 people.

Yagul is one of the most studied archaeological sites in the Valley of Oaxaca. This important prehispanic centers name literally means “Old Stick” or “Old Tree”, The site is set around a hill, and can be divided into three principal areas; the fortress, the ceremonial center and the residential areas. The construction stone at Yagul is mainly river cobbles formed from volcanic rock such as basalt. About 30 tombs have been found at Yagul, sometimes located in pairs. A few of these bear hieroglyphic inscriptions.

Fortress

Situated atop the cliffs to the northeast of the site and protected by natural and artificial walls, it has an excellent vantage point over the whole Tlacolula Valley. It has several lookout points, including one reached by a narrow bridge.

Residential area

Unexcavated residential areas lie on terraces to the south, east and west of the hill. Classic Period residences are to the northwest of the excavated ceremonial centre and lower class Postclassic residences are presumed to lie around the site core.

Ceremonial center

The ceremonial center was excavated in 1974 by Bernal and Gamio. It composes the vast majority of what has been excavated, and what can be seen today. The ceremonial center consists of a number of large patios bordered by monumental architecture, and also includes a ballcourt and an elite residential complex. Some of the structures in this area are:

Ballcourt

The restored ballcourt has an east-west orientation and is the largest in the Valley of Oaxaca. A carved serpent’s head, now in the Regional Museum in Oaxaca, was found fixed to the top of the south wall. The ballcourt was built in the Classic Period between 500 and 700 AD, and then widened between 700 and 900 AD. It has a total length of 47 meters and a central field length of 30 meters, and is 6 meters wide.

Palace of the Six Patios

This is a labyrinthine structure formed of an intricate complex of passageways and many rooms. It is formed of three elite complexes, each with two patios surrounded by rooms. In each pair of patios, the northern was probably a residence and the southern was possibly the administrative area. A tomb entrance is found in each patio. The same layout is found at the nearby site of Mitla although the two sites were probably independent. The walls are faced with dressed stones and stucco over a rough stone and clay core, the floors were of red stucco. Patio F is somewhat different from the others in the complex in that it opened out onto the ballcourt and lower patio complexes and appears to have had a more public function. It had a low bench situated within a room that would have been visible to the areas below and may have been intended for the reception of visitors. The palace complex also included a temple.

Patio 1

It is a large open area immediately southeast of the Palace of the Six Patios. It has rooms on all sides except the south side. Immediately to the south of Patio 1 is a temple.

Patio 4

Lies to the southeast of the ballcourt and is part of a temple-patio-altar complex formed from four mounds around a central altar. It was in use from at least the Classic Period through to the Postclassic. A sculpture of a frog-effigy lies at the base of the eastern mound.

Tomb 30

This Postclassic tomb lies underneath Patio 4. It is formed of three chambers with decorated panels, the principal chamber has a facade decorated with two human heads carved in stone. The door to the tomb is a stone slab with hieroglyphic inscriptions on both sides.

Council Chamber

This is a long, narrow chamber with an east-west orientation, lying to the south of a narrow “street”. It was once decorated with stone mosaics and was entered via steps from Patio 1, which lies immediately to the south. The entrance is divided into 3 sections by two 2-meter wide pillars. Due to its non-residential nature and its lack of a shrine or temple, this room is presumed to have been administrative in function.

Decorated Street

This narrow “street” runs in an east-west direction between the Palace of the Six Patios to the north and the Council Chamber to the south. Its southern wall is over 40 meters long and was decorated with geometric stone mosaics similar to those at Mitla.

Building U

This building was built on an artificial platform in the northern part of the site, a tomb lies under its floor. It is reached by a stairway to the south and has a good view across most of the site.

The site is in the care of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (National Institute of Anthropology and History) and is open to the public.

The Oaxaca state is best known for native ancestral cultures. The most numerous and best known are the Zapotecs and the Mixtecs, but there are sixteen that are officially recognized. These cultures have survived better to the present than most others in Mexico due to the state’s rugged and isolating terrain.

The name of the state comes from the name of its capital city, Oaxaca. This name comes from the Nahuatl word “Huaxyacac”, which refers to a tree called a “guaje” (Leucaena leucocephala), found in area around the capital city. The name was originally applied to the Valley of Oaxaca by Nahuatl speaking Aztecs.

Most of what is known about pre-historic Oaxaca comes from archeological work in the Central Valleys region. Evidence of human habitation dating back to about 11,000 years BCE has been found in the Guilá Naquitz cave near the town of Mitla. This area was recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2010 in recognition for the “earliest known evidence of domesticated plants in the continent, while corn cob fragments from the same cave are said to be the earliest documented evidence for the domestication of maize.” More finds of nomadic peoples date back to about 5000 BCE, with some evidence of the beginning of agriculture. By 2000 BCE, agriculture had been established in the Central Valleys region of the state, with sedentary villages. The diet developed around this time would remain until the Spanish Conquest, consisting primarily of harvested corn, beans, chocolate, tomatoes, chili peppers, squash and gourds. Meat was generally hunted and included tepescuintle, turkey, deer, peccary, armadillo and iguana.

The oldest known major settlements, such as Yanhuitlán and Laguna Zope are located in this area as well. The latter settlement is known for its small figures called “pretty women” or “baby face.” Between 1200 and 900 BCE, pottery was being produced in the area as well. This pottery has been linked with similar work done in La Victoria, Guatemala. Other important settlements from the same time period include Tierras Largas, San José Mogote and Guadalupe, whose ceramics show Olmec influence. The major native language family, Oto-Manguean, is thought to have been spoken in northern Oaxaca around 4400 BCE and to have evolved into nine distinct branches by 1500 BCE.

The Zapotecs were the earliest to gain dominance over the Central Valleys region. The first major dominion was centered in Monte Albán, which flourished from 500 BCE until 750 CE.

At its height, Monte Albán was home to some 25,000 people and was the capital city of the Zapotec nation. It remained a secondary center of power for the Zapotecs until the Mixtecs overran it in 1325.

The Zapotec civilization was a native ancient culture that flourished in the Valley of Oaxaca of southern Mesoamerica. Archaeological evidence shows their culture goes back at least 2500 years. They left archaeological evidence at the ancient city of Monte Albán in the form of buildings, ball courts, magnificent tombs and grave goods including finely worked gold jewelry.

Little is known about the Zapotec origins, unlike other mesoamerican cultures, they did not have a known tradition or legend about their origins, they believed that were born directly from rocks, trees and Jaguars.

Archaeologist Marcus Winter points out the following development stages of the culture:

• Agricultural Stage (9500 a 1500 BCE)
• Settlements Stage (1500 a 500 BCE)
• Urban Stage (500 BCE to 750 CE)
• Altépetl or City-State Stage (750 a 1521 CE)

The expansion of the Zapotec empire peaked during the Monte Alban II phase. Zapotecs conquered or colonized settlements far beyond The Valley of Oaxaca. This expansion is visible in several ways; most important is the sudden change of ceramics found in regions outside the valley. These regions previously had their own unique styles which were suddenly replaced with Zapotec style pottery, indicating that they had become part of the Zapotec empire.

The name Zapotec is an exonym coming from Nahuatl tzapotēcah (singular tzapotēcatl), which means “inhabitants of the place of sapote”. The Zapotec referred to themselves by some variant of the term Be’ena’a, which means “The People.”

The site comprises about 197 mounds within a 117 hectares area; most of the mounds are covered by weeds. The site was occupied from 700 BC, and it apogee matches that of Monte Alban. The site was abandoned around 750 AD., and it also matches the Monte Alban abandonment and disintegration of the zapoteco state. This disintegration formed numerous smaller settlements in the Oaxaca Valley during that time; it is believed that the Lambityeco population might have moved to the Yagul site, located a few kilometers west.

Lambityeco occupation began around 700 BC., before the Monte Alban foundation, and concluded around 750 AD. The Lambityeco apogee occurred between 600 and 750 AD.; a time in which significant changes took place in the Oaxaca Valley as a result of the gradual weakening and abandonment of Monte Alban, one of those changes is the blossoming of several ceremonial civic centers. Although of lesser scale and political influence Lambityeco was one of them. These establishments retook political leadership and perhaps most of the Monte Alban population. This site sculpted representations unlike those commonly found in Monte Alban document important royalty marriages, source of the very important postclassical political cohesion. The initial explorations of these palaces, along with their tombs were excavated and recovered in 1961-1976 under the direction of John Paddock.

Lambityeco is a site with over two hundred platforms of which, unfortunately only two have been explored, structures 195 and 190.

Structure 195

This set includes the largest site structure, it is 6 meters high made up of two slope bodies with stairways on its west side. There are remains of walls of a temple-patio-altar complex. Its rear section was constructed towards the end of the site occupation covers a large area. Under the remains stratified remains of six residences belonging to elite groups and three associated tombs that can be seen climbing up the noted stairway. According to carbon 14 dating those rooms were occupied during an estimated period of 115 years, each house would have been used by a period of 23 to 29 years during four or five generations.

The currently visible construction, once the covering materials were removed, has been called the House of the Great Lord. The building constructed with adobe and stucco finished includes a series of rooms covering a surface of 370 square meters, the north patio rooms surely were used as dormitories, the south Patio is larger and elaborated, it is believed governors attended public matters here. In the east side a two level, three element altar was built, with the characteristic recessed board zapoteco style. The inner tableau has a series of stucco figures summarizing aspects of Lambityeco governors and their spouses.

The people depicted in the tableau are: a man in a horizontal position (face down), with a tipped jaw, has ears, wears a maxtlatl and in his hand holds a human femur. The female is in the same position as the man with a Zapotec hairstyle with entwined ribbons, earrings and round bead necklaces, wears a quechquemitl. In the frieze located on the northern wall, are depicted “Señor 4 cara humana” and “Señora 10 mono” who occupied the oldest Palace between 600 and 625 CE. On the frieze located on the southern wall are depicted “Señor 8 búho” and “Señora 3 turquesa” that utilized the second palace between 625 and 650 CE.

Under the altar frieze is access to Tomb No. 6, on the façade are masks “Señor 1 temblor de tierra” and “Señora 10 caña”, the last governors Lambityeco.

Unfortunately the top level has almost disappeared; it would represent “señor 8 muerte” and “señora 5 Caña” that people buried in Tomb 6 located in front of the altar. At the lower level on the left side appears “señor 4 Cara” and “señora 10 Mono”, at their right “señora 3 Turquesa” and “señor 8 Búho”. They would respectively be the great-grandparents and grandparents of first mentioned couple. Each of the masculine figures of the inferior fraises holds a human femur human in their hands; this was the way to represent the right to govern granted by their ancestors.

Tomb 6 is in front of this altar, where great lords and their wives were buried. The tomb facade also has a recessed tableau with stucco representation of the faces of “señor 1 Terremoto” and “señora 10 Caña”, “señor 8 Muerte” parents. The remains of six individuals accompanied by 186 objects were discovered in the tomb, this was frequent in the Oaxaca region, as graves were used several times, placing previous remains to a side (disordered); only the last body remains were in the correct place.

Structure 190

It is located 15 meters south of the previous. Although it is known as Cocijo Patio, in fact it was another high level residence that includes a surface of almost 400 square meters. Rooms are distributed around two patios oriented east-west, in front of each building still is pottery embedded in the dirt floor possibly used for some ceremonies. Between both patios a small room was constructed with east side access to a higher level that allowed construction of a stairway bordered by two walls decorated with recessed boards. Each wall has a large stone and mud mask covered with a thin stucco layer that represents Cocijo, the zapoteco god of rain, thunder and lightning. These identical one meter diameter masks, extraordinary and unique in Zapotec art, allow appreciation of some elements that identify the God as one of the more commonly represented deities and of the most important in the Zapotec pantheon.

The Cocijo image seen in Lambityeco, wears a mask that covers almost all the face; the eyes are framed with a type of goggle; a thick plate in the nose connected to the lower part of the goggles and the mouth mask. Upon the center of the mask in a large feather hairdo and “C glyph”; from the hairdo protrude two tapes adorned in its ends with green stones. The sides have earflaps over a feather base.

The last decorative aspect of this structure is the pectoral, made up of a circular plate superposed to a semi rectangular plate; possibly it represents a shell, jade and obsidian mosaic. An additional and distinctive element is the presence of arms. His right hand holds a vessel from which water or a river flows; the left has a series of rays, hence the name of Thunder or lightning God.

Facing the Cocijo walls, at the end of the Patio is Tomb 2 with masonry walls forming an antechamber and main chamber. The facade was constructed later; it displays a recessed board with double cornices. The remains of seven adult individuals were discovered inside representing at least four generations. In addition to the remains 144 objects were recovered, containing bat claw vessels, thorn decorated braziers, uncooked vessels, carved bones and five identical molded mud urns representing Cocijo.

As per ethnographic data, this would be the supreme priest residence, who controlled and directed all religious topics and at least be the Cocijo terrestrial representative, as is assumed by the urns and masks decorating the central chamber, from where possibly celebrated ceremonies related to the cult to the God of Rain. Generally this priest was related with the Great Lord and has been described as the Lord second son.

After five months of restoration works, one of the few pictures of prehispanic governors was recovered, located in the facade of Tomb 6 at the Lambityeco archaeological site, in Oaxaca.

These are “señor 1 Temblor” and “señora 10 Caña” with an antiquity of more than 1300 years, recovered by the work of National Anthropology and History Institute (INAH) specialists.

The rescued Lambityeco figures are famous by their realism, as they reveal characteristics of a marriage that is currently preserved by zapotecos women.

The original name of this town is unknown. The archaeological site is named after the word Dannizhú, used by ancient inhabitants to refer to the site, at the time when Bernal made local inquiries.

“Dainzú” means hill of the organ cactus in Zapotec, it is formed from two Zapotec words:

• The word “danni” which means “hill”
• The word “zu” which means “organ cactus”

Another name used for the archaeological site is “Quiebelagayo” (Zapotec language) which means “Cinco Flores” (Five Flowers). It has the same meaning of the Nahua Toponymy Macuilxóchitl, name of the town closest to Dainzú.

The founding chronology of Dainzú is uncertain. However, it seems possible that the site was occupied some centuries before the foundation of Monte Albán, as evidenced by the corresponding Rosario Phase ceramics found in the Oaxaca central valleys (700 – 500 BCE). At that time, Dainzú was one of the main villages of Tlacolula Valley.

It was contemporary with other important population centers such as San José Mogote at the Etla Valley. As was the case with the rest of the villages from the region, Dainzú must have contributed to the foundation of Monte Albán.

The Monte Albán construction was a milestone that contributed to the population decline in the zone.

Dainzú population decreased around 200 BCE. In spite of Monte Albán important flourishing, Dainzú kept a dynamic of its own and positioned itself as one of the most important cities during the Classical Mesoamerican period.

Finally, the decline of Monte Albán caused relations reshuffling between the villages of the region, which also affected Dainzú and caused its decline.

There are numerous archaeological sites on the banks of the Rio Salado, including the early village of Abasolo. Opposite, on the west of Dainzú, is a farming alluvial land; where Rosario Phase ceramic found confirms a Dainzú occupation from 750 BCE.

The architectural style of this site is important due to the unique structural characteristics that distinguish it from others in the Valley of Oaxaca; these reflect a high artistic quality, as in the case of the lower platform of building A, which has a bas-reliefs gallery representing, what have long been thought to be, ballgame players. However, new interpretations of these figures have recently been proposed.

During his urban stage, Dainzú functioned as a second rank village, in terms of economic, political, and religious importance. The main occupation corresponds to a transition period called II-IIIa, at approximately 250 to 350 CE.

Dainzú was built against a hill, apparently for aesthetic reasons the original entrance was on the side of the River at the west end. Had a long occupation sequence from 600 BCE to 1,200 CE, although there is a possibility, according to archaeological evidence, there is a possibility that the area was occupied before Monte Alban, Dainzú apogee occurred from 600 BCE to 200 CE.

The site is located beside a tributary of the Rio Salado, while steps and chambers carved into the rock on the peak above perhaps belonged to a shrine.

The stone used for construction at Dainzú is mainly from river cobbles formed from volcanic rock such as basalt.

All building construction was adjusted to the site topography.

Only three structures have been explored thus far:

Building A

Located in the highest part of the site, apparently had religious purposes. Its construction is staggered, with four platforms built with stones and clay, building four platforms, most interesting are the bas-reliefs decorating the bottom of the south wall of the lower body, called the sculpture gallery, every stone contains figures with motion, there are not two of the same, and complete in varied positions. According to Ignacio Bernal hypothesis, these represent ballgame players whose position reveals movement, probably were placed during a reconstruction of the platform, reason there does not seem to be any arrangement.

The structure is a large platform built against the west-facing hillside and has about 35 bas-reliefs carved into the southern side of its lower wall. Most of these represent ball players, while four represent the four ballgame deities.

Interspersed among the representations of ballplayers are a small number of bas-reliefs depicting priests making offerings, these stones are incised with calendrical dates and may represent specific rituals related to the ballgame.

It is the oldest terrace, constructive characteristics have similarities with J building at Monte Albán.

Comprises three terraces superimposed on the hill, and is connected with building B by means of a stuccoed patio. It has two facades (north and south) with a large stairway in the Center.

The upper terrace is the highest and is formed by an almost vertical wall of more than 5 meters high with rounded corners, access was through a roofed stepped indoor passage. During investigations, four rooms were found, roofs made of large stones placed at an angle, as in some of the Monte Albán tombs.

The lower terrace forms a 1.25-meter vertical wall. Entrance is by a stairway system recessed in the wall, at the southwest corner.

On the north side, the relief is different from the rest. The terrace has a central stairway.

During the different construction stages, changes were made, for example, the addition of rooms, stairways, and walls, with the essential aim of repairing building damages and preparing for new and other uses.

At the hill summit of this building, is a large number of natural rocks protruding from the vegetation and representing severed heads, probably related to ball players.

Bas-Reliefs Gallery

These representations are unique in Mesoamerica the bas-reliefs portray religious dignitaries as well as ball players holding a small ball in a hand. The site features a gallery of carved stone bas-reliefs similar in style to the danzante bas-reliefs at Monte Albán.

Forty-seven of these represent ball players wearing protective equipment such as helmets, knee guards, and gauntlets and holding a small ball in one hand. A large ball court was found nearby, with an east-west orientation.

Further bas-reliefs are carved into the living rock of the hilltop shrine.

The presence of skulls may be an indication of the symbolism associated with the game.

Bas-Relief Interpretation

Although a minority of researchers suggest that the reliefs are of fighters, perhaps hurling stones, the strong consensus is that they portray ballplayers. According to researcher Heather Orr, the reliefs form a processional sequence, showing specific moments from a ritual “fixed ball game with human sacrifice as the final outcome”.

Building B

Located west of complex A. Comprises a huge structure with a set of large walls rooms and beautiful stairways and patios that provide access to their different parts and correspond to different constructive times.

It has six architectonic overlays, corresponding to different periods; the building has an important tomb with a jaguar bas-relief on a monolithic rock that forms the entrance. The head of the jaguar is engraved in the lintel with the forelegs flanking the entrance.

The constructions simplicity and generosity of open spaces in plazas or patios, lead to imagine civic or popular activities.

Access to this building is very characteristic: entrance was through the terrace bottom or plaza, via a staircase attached to the wall and crossed by a roofed hallway roofed with large monolithic stone slabs.

Originally this complex had two separate terraces, which were connected by the “Templo Amarillo “. There are underground drainage channels for rainwater in several places. These are well-constructed with rectangular cross-sections.

Inside the terraces, four funerary chambers were found, and several simpler tombs.

The most important tomb (tomb 7), was completely private and access was through a stairway.

Tomb 7

It was built in the central part of building B with engraved stone walls and niches. The roof consists of a monolithic stone. The entrance has a Jaguar figure, the head is engraved in the lintel and the forelegs flank the entrance.

This tomb was looted perhaps in prehispanic times, hence it is partially destroyed.

Chronologically the Tomb corresponds to the Monte Alban II-III A era (200 to 600 CE).

Templo Amarillo

It is a small adobe and stone construction located inside building B, it is certainly an altar built over a stuccoed platform, it faces a small patio to the west, and the portico is composed of two monolithic (Monte Alban style) cylindrical columns on the right side, a rectangular niche was found. The entire building was painted yellow ochre. It might have had a religious significance as its orientation.

Conjunto C

Esta estructura conectaba al sur con el conjunto B, de la misma altura. Es realmente una pequeña terraza que conectaba al sur con el conjunto D, aun no excavado.

Ballgame Court

Only one half of the ballgame court has been excavated and restored; It has small stone blocks resembling steps and were covered with stucco to form a sloped surface.

Located in the center of a large square. Seen in the architectural plant, it is “I” shaped, as the Monte Alban and Yagul ballgame courts. It is oriented east-west, characteristic of all Mesoamerican ballgame courts.

During its investigation, anthropomorphic reliefs were found, representing ballgame players, confirming the ritual importance of this activity in the area.

Was built with engraved irregular stones jointed with clay mortar and pebbles or remnants of ceramics; It was covered with a thin stucco layer.

Players’ clothing consisted of a very particular combination of pants, knee pads, face masks, or feline helmets and tapes among other elements.

In Dainzú are represented two types of ballgame; one corresponds to images of older reliefs, gloves are used to catch, hit, or throw the ball; the other was played at a later time in the I-shaped ballgame courts, where the ball was stroked or launched with the hips.

This latest version of the game is known by the name of Olomaliztli.

…

Nestled between the Sierra Madre del Sur mountains and the Pacific Ocean, Puerto Escondido boasts a unique geographic setting. The town is spread along a rugged coastline featuring sandy beaches, rocky cliffs, and lush vegetation.

The area is characterized by its natural beauty, including crystal-clear waters and vibrant marine life. The surrounding environment includes tropical dry forests and mangroves, contributing to the region’s rich biodiversity.

There are a variety of outdoor activities, from hiking and bird-watching to snorkeling and diving.

Puerto Escondido enjoys a tropical savanna climate, marked by a distinct dry season and a wet season. The dry season, from November to April, features warm temperatures averaging between 25°C and 30°C, with plenty of sunshine and minimal rainfall.

The wet season, from May to October, brings higher humidity and more frequent rain, often in short, intense bursts, with temperatures ranging from 26°C to 32°C. Despite the rain, the weather remains warm, making the area lush and green.

The best time to visit

The best time to visit Puerto Escondido is from November to April when the weather is ideal for beach activities, surfing, and exploring the town. This period offers sunny days, warm temperatures, and low humidity, perfect for outdoor adventures.

However, for avid surfers looking to catch the legendary waves of Zicatela Beach, the months of May to July are ideal, as the swells are at their peak, offering thrilling surfing conditions despite the occasional rain.

The name “Puerto Escondido” translates to “Hidden Port” in English. Legend has it that the area was a favorite hideout for pirates, who used the secluded bays and coves to evade capture and stash their treasures.

The name “Puerto Escondido” is said to have originated from a story about a woman who escaped from pirate captivity and hid in the region, leading the locals to refer to the area as a hidden or concealed port.

The story states that a fierce pirate, Andrés Drake, brother of Sir Francis Drake, anchored his ship in the bay when the area was completely uninhabited, to rest for a few days unmolested by authorities.

Some weeks before, he and his crew kidnapped a young Mixtec woman from the village of Santa María Huatulco and took her prisoner. The woman jumped overboard to get to shore and hide in the jungle beyond the beach.

Since then, the pirates referred to the woman as “La Escondida” (the hidden one), and every time the ship returned to these waters, the captain ordered his crew to search the area around the bay, however, they never found her.

Hence, the area became known as the Bahía de la Escondida.

The Nahuatl word for this area was Zicatela, meaning “place of large thorns”.

The area around Puerto Escondido had been inhabited for centuries, but no towns of any size were established during the pre-Hispanic or colonial eras. The bay was known as Bahia de la Escondida (Bay of the Hidden Woman).

At the beginning of the 20th century, it was known as Punta Escondida (“Hidden Point”), then later, Puerto Escondido. At that time, it was just a small fishing village that intermittently was used to ship coffee.

Back then, Puerto Escondido suffered from a lack of potable water, although the Colotepec River ran nearby.

This caused people to settle in other places. Some did stay, including Nazario Castellanos and Escolástica Valencia, who were the night watchmen for the nearby coffee plantations and considered to be the town’s first residents.

There was no real town until the 1930s when Puerto Escondido’s activity as a port was more firmly established. The bay had been used as a port intermittently to ship coffee, but there was no permanent settlement due to the lack of potable water.

From the 1940s to the 1960s, a church was constructed and the first school was built. Wells were dug to alleviate the water supply problems, and generators were bought to supply electricity to the pumps and the few streetlights.

However, there were still problems getting needed outside supplies such as sugar. These commodities only arrived when a merchant ship entered the bay to sell its wares. Sometimes, this would not happen for months.

Residents got by with local products such as fish, poultry, iguanas, chicken, and turtle eggs. After the Sol de Vega road to the capital of Oaxaca was constructed, this problem was alleviated somewhat.

In the 1960s, was built the highway connecting Oaxacan coastal towns with Acapulco. Surfers and other tourists began to find the quiet beaches around Puerto Escondido and tourism began to flourish.

Its function as a port diminished as coffee began to be shipped by truck. Other infrastructure added included those to supply the area with potable water, a small airport where the Rinconada is now, mail service, and some government offices.

However, in the 1970s only about 400 people lived in Puerto Escondido. With time, Puerto Escondido’s importance as a tourist attraction increased, with hotels and resorts being constructed.

For many years, restaurants were almost exclusively in “palapas” (thatched roof shelters) with fishermen preparing their catches; however, these have mostly given way to modern tourist facilities.

Puerto Escondido is one of the most important tourist sites on the Oaxacan coast.

The community of Puerto Escondido is divided between two municipalities. The Zicatela Beach side belongs to the municipality of Santa María Colotepec and the western portion belongs to San Pedro Mixtepec.

On 30 July 2009, the state congress declared Puerto Escondido to be a city.

The main attractions of Puerto Escondido are its beaches, which have become internationally known. The area also is attractive to scuba divers because of the variety of fish, large oysters, lobsters, and manta rays.

Although the Pacific Coast of Mexico generally runs north-south, this section of the coast in Oaxaca runs east-west, Playa Zicatela is on the eastern end.

Puerto Escondido became famous for surfing competitions held at Zicatela Beach every year in November. The competition brings competitors from various countries.

Nicknamed the “Mexican Pipeline” due to the similar power and shape of the Banzai Pipeline on the North Shore of Oahu, the wave that breaks on Zicatela Beach draws an international crowd of surfers, bodyboarders, and their entourages.

Mid to late summer is a low season for tourists, but a prime time for waves and international tournaments. Several international competitions such as the ESPN X Games, and the MexPipe Challenge have taken place.

This beach is separated from the other beaches by a rocky outcropping called “El Morro” (the nose).

The beach is 50 to 100 metres wide and four kilometres long with large waves that reach up to sixteen metres high. Lifeguards are stationed at this high-risk beach as well as on the other beaches.

About half of these are professional and the other half volunteers.

Zicatela is still a surfers’ beach, with the strong undertow making the area unsuitable for swimming. The Zicatela Beach tourist district caters to surfers, including specials on surfboard rentals.

The beach now has a promenade, landscaped with flowers and shrubs along the restaurants, many recently established.

West of Zicatela over the El Moro rocky outcrop is Playa Marinero, which is the best beach for swimming as the surf and undertow are much less. There is some surf, but gentle enough for beginning surfers and bodyboarding.

West from Playa Marinero is Playa Principal, or the main beach, fronting the town proper. This beach has boats and water taxis anchored close to shore. Here, fishermen arrive at dawn to sell their catch to local restaurants and families.

It is 500 m long with fine, gray sand and low to moderate surf. This is the primary place to hire boats that take tourists to otherwise inaccessible beaches, to see porpoises and marine turtles, or for deep-sea fishing.

This beach is also popular with Mexican families to picnic on and play soccer.

West of the Playa Principal is the lighthouse with a stone walkway, Andador Escénico, below it. From the end of the walkway, and a bit farther west, are the twin beaches of Puerto Angelito and Manzanillo, between which is a small rock outcropping.

These are on a sheltered cove, making it safe for swimming, with Manzanillo having slightly more surf. Angelito Beach has small, family-owned restaurants located in palapas (open-air thatched structures).

These beaches have water that varies in color from emerald green to turquoise blue. Puerto Angelito tends to be crowded and frequented by busloads of visitors. Playa Manzanillo is quieter as there is no road access.

West from these beaches is Playa Carrizalillo which has white sand and cobalt blue water edged in light green. This 300-metre-wide (980 ft) beach is on a small bay.

There are no vehicular roads to this beach, and the footpath descends a steep slope on a recently installed rock stairway. It takes about fifteen minutes to walk here from the town. A water taxi ride from Playa Principal is another option for accessing Carrizalillo.

Waves are normally gentle, except for a zone that opens directly onto the ocean where waves are big enough for surfing. The difficult access means that the beach is not as crowded with walking vendors as Puerto Angelito Beach.

There are few restaurants and the area is generally cleaner. On the east and west sides of the bay are rocky outcroppings that serve as habitat for a wide variety of fish and coral, making it popular for snorkeling.

Near Carrizalillo is the Rinconada, a former landing strip that is now lined with restaurants, salons, and shops. It also contains a lending library run by a local charity run by expatriates.

The westernmost beach is Playa Bacocho with upscale beach clubs. It has fine, soft sand, palm trees, warm, blue-green water, and moderate surf although the far west part of the beach can have a strong undertow. It faces southwest, offering good sunset views.

West of Bacocho are still undeveloped beaches.

Laguna de Manialtepec

About 10 km from Puerto Escondido is the Laguna de Manialtepec.

There is a small village on the way called Bajos de Chila and a small archeological zone of the Chatino culture. This site has a Sun Stone which represents the solar deity and a statue of a high-ranking priest.

The lagoon is full of mangroves and many birds such as pelicans, seagulls, ibis, storks, cranes, jacanas, buzzards, kingfishers, swans, and other species. Other wildlife here includes raccoons, weasels, deer, wild boar, foxes, and crocodiles.

In the middle of the Laguna de Manialtepec there is an island named Gallo (“Rooster”), on which, according to legend, a rooster can be heard singing every year on December 24.

Puerto Escondido International Airport has flights to the cities of Oaxaca, Monterrey, and Mexico City.

Commercial busses from the city of Oaxaca take about seven hours.

The new 3-lane superhighway from Oaxaca is coming to Ventanillas, Oaxaca, about 13 km east of Puerto Escondido, where it meets the old coastal Highway 200. This will cut the travel time from Oaxaca by more than half.

The Fiestas de Noviembre (Festivals of November) are held during the month into the beginning of December. Events are scheduled in the San Pedro Mixtepec and Santa María Colotepec jurisdictions and there is little coordination between the events.

This usually means a large number of events, more than a few concurrent and competing for attendees. Zicatela events are often staged on Playa Zicatela while the uptown events are often on Playa Principal or the municipal plaza west and above the main beach.

Some of the major events include a motocross event, a sailfishing competition, a festival of coastal dance, and a surfing tournament.

Huatulco has a borderline tropical wet and dry climate/semi-arid climate, featuring stable, hot temperatures all year round, with two marked seasons, a dry season from November through May, and a wet season from June through October.

UV radiation levels are high all year round, ranging from 8 in December, to 11+ between March and September.

Heat and humidity are very high all year round.

The meaning of Huatulco, or Guatulco Coatulco is, “where they worship the tree”, referring to an ancient legend.

Hernán Cortés conquered the town of Huatulco on 8 January 1539.

The town lies about 7 miles north of Huatulco International Airport, the road to Santa María Huatulco intersects the coastal highway.

This is the town from which the resort Huatulco got its name, that it is a separate town located miles away from Huatulco the resort. It is a small, pretty, and very clean town surrounded by the foothills of the Sierra Madre del Sur.

Santa María Huatulco is the home of residents displaced by the development of the Huatulco resort.

Fragment of the Holy Cross of Huatulco

In the central plaza is a church which contains a piece of an old cross which has an interesting legend.
The following information comes from the plaque in the church. This plaque has since been moved to the church in Santa Cruz.

Two thousand years ago in the time of the apostles of Jesus, the native Indians of this area saw coming from the sea, as if he came from Peru, an old white man with long hair and a beard, and a large cape with an overcoat.

This man, according to folklore, is recognized as the Saint Thomas apostle, and according to the history of Mexico, is Quetzalcoatl. He arrived carrying a very beautiful timber, like a cross.

This event was unusual and amazing, and many people came to the beach to meet him.

The white man saluted them benevolently in their own language. And he remained for a few days teaching them many things.

And every day he was on his knees praying. When he departed, he told the people that the holy timber should remain on the beach, and despite the large size and weight, he erected it on the beach by himself.

Due to these events, large pilgrimages of native Indians from many places would come to the beach to admire the holy timber.

From this comes the name, Quauhtlelco, a Nahuatl word that means: Cuauhtli – timber; Telosa – to bow; and Co – place. The whole word means Huatulco – the place where the timber is adored.

In the year 1587, the English pirate Thomas Cavendish (refer to History of the Region) arrived at the famous Huatulco port.

After coming in to rob the town, he tried to demolish the holy cross with axes and saws but could not. Then he tied the cross with ropes to his ship which sailed into the open sea and still could not move it. He also tried to burn it but it remained standing.

On this altar is a small cross which is an authentic fragment of the Holy Cross from the same holy timber which the people keep with veneration.

In 1612, Bishop Juan de Cervantes brought part of the cross to the cathedral in Oaxaca. From this piece, he fashioned a copy of the original, which remains there today. Other fragments of the Holy Cross are in a cathedral in Puebla, and in the Vatican in Rome.

The anniversary of the Holy Cross is celebrated annually in late February.

Hagia Sofia ecological park

Hagia Sofia is a 130-hectare agro-ecological project located in the mountains of southern Mexico at altitudes between 260-390m above sea level.

Visitors can learn about organic/sustainable farming as applied to exotic fruits and flowers from Southeast Asia and Mexico as well as the cultivation of rare timber trees native to Mexico.

This unique location is also home to a wide diversity of flora and fauna.

Hagia Sofia, a few miles inland from Huatulco bays, is a unique destination to be enjoyed with family and friends. Our aim is to apply earth-friendly practices to local agriculture while sharing nature’s wisdom through agro-tourism.

Hagia Sofia is committed to sustainability and the interdisciplinary team works to train future generations.

This includes the basics of organic growing: minimal consumption of natural resources, making composts, development, and use of alternative energies, and use of biodegradable products.

By bus from Oaxaca City: $7-$19 (3:20 hours)
By plane from Oaxaca City: $95-$300 (1 hour)

You can dial 078 from any phone, where you can find free information about tourist attractions, airports, travel agencies, car rental companies, embassies and consulates, fairs and exhibitions, hotels, hospitals, financial services, migratory and other issues.

Or dial the toll-free (in Mexico) number 01-800-006-8839.

You can also request information the email correspondencia@sectur.gob.mx

MORE EMERGENCY NUMBERS:

General Information: 040 (not free)

National Emergency Service: 911

Radio Patrols: 066
Police (Emergency): 060
Civil Protection: +52(55)5683-2222
Anonymous Complaint: 089

Setravi (Transport Mobility): +52(55)5209-9913
Road Emergency: 074

Cruz Roja: 065 o +52(55)5557-5757
Firefighters: 068 o +52(55)5768-3700

You can dial 078 from any phone, where you can find free information about tourist attractions, airports, travel agencies, car rental companies, embassies and consulates, fairs and exhibitions, hotels, hospitals, financial services, migratory and other issues.

Or dial the toll-free (in Mexico) number 01-800-006-8839.

You can also request information the email correspondencia@sectur.gob.mx

MORE EMERGENCY NUMBERS:

General Information: 040 (not free)

National Emergency Service: 911

Radio Patrols: 066
Police (Emergency): 060
Civil Protection: +52(55)5683-2222
Anonymous Complaint: 089

Setravi (Transport Mobility): +52(55)5209-9913
Road Emergency: 074

Cruz Roja: 065 o +52(55)5557-5757
Firefighters: 068 o +52(55)5768-3700

Bahias de Huatulco is divided into four main districts. Tangolunda is the area where the large upscale resorts are located; Santa Cruz is a small town with the main marina and Santa Cruz beach; La Crucecita, is another small town just inland from the beach area which provides support services to the area, and Chahué is an area between Santa Cruz and Tangolunda.

The Bahias de Huatulco are a series of nine bays and numerous small coves stretching along 26 kilometers of jagged coastline, including 36 white sandy beaches. The most centrally located bay is Bahía de Santa Cruz, which is just south of the town of La Crucecita. It is also the center of commercial and tourist activities, with a large pier where cruise ships dock. Many resort offerings can be found here such as hotels, craft shops, discothèques, bars, restaurants, excursion agencies, sailboat excursions as well as scuba diving, snorkeling and jet skis for rent. The Capilla de Santa Cruz is where many weddings and baptisms are celebrated next to the sea. Playa Santa Cruz is the best known of the beaches here. It is 250 meters long, with soft white sand and turquoise blue water.

Heading east from Santa Cruz are the bays of Bahía Chahué, Bahía Tangolunda and Bahía Conejos. These are the more developed areas of Huatulco. Bahía Chahué is 2 km east of Santa Cruz and its name means “fertile or moist land” in Zapotec. It has a marina for large and small yachts along with three principal beaches; Chahué, Esperanza and Tejón. Even though these are wide beaches, their moderate surf makes them less-visited than those in Santa Cruz. Three km east of Chahué is Bahía Tangolunda, which has five beaches; Ventura, Manzanillo, Tornillo, Tangolunda and Rincón Sabroso. Here the water varies between cobalt blue and emerald green. Most of the larger hotels are located on this bay. Residencial Conejos is 4 km east of Tangolunda and has some of the larger residential homes in the area, some of which are vacation rentals. The mouth of the Río (River) Copalita is slightly east of Bahía Conejos and it has a long zone of beaches. To the east of Río Copalita are beaches stretching all the way to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Two of these beaches are Barra de la Cruz and Playa Mojon. Some great surf waves can be found from these beaches. Barra de la Cruz is one of the best and easiest to access. Playa El Mojon can, at certain times of the year, have some decent waves for surfing and is also a great location to explore.

To the west of Santa Cruz, the beaches are less developed; in fact most of this area belongs to the Parque Nacional (National Park) Huatulco. This is a protected area (Área Natural Protegida) created in 1998. It contains 6,375 hectares of lowland jungle and 5,516 hectares of marine areas, encompassing the bays of Bahía Maguey, Bahía Órgano, Bahía Cacaluta, Bahía Chachacual and Bahía San Agustín. In these bays live the most important coral communities of the Mexican Pacific. 723 species of animals live in the park as well as a number of species of colorful fish, and it is open to scuba diving, bird-watching and hiking.

In 2005, Huatulco was awarded the Green Globe International Certification as a sustainable tourist area. Huatulco was the first sustainable tourist community in the Americas and the third worldwide, after Bali in Indonesia and Kaikoura in New Zealand, to receive this prestigious award because of its development programs for a culture environmentally friendly to conserve its natural resources. Bahía Órgano is named for the cacti that grow there. It is 240 meters long and only accessible by boat. Bahía Maguey is about 1/2 km long and is accessible by car.

Both these bays have fine, white sand and waters of various colors of blue and green. Bahía Cacaluta and Bahía Chachacual are only accessible by boat, and there are absolutely no human constructions of any kind. Bahía San Agustín is the furthest west and the largest of all the bays. It has 1 km of beaches between 20 and 80 meters wide. There are also small islets inside the bay itself. Large portions of the Bahias de Huatulco resort area are located within an “ecological zone”; much of the area is protected from future development, and the area is serviced by modern water and sewage treatment plants so that no waste goes into its pristine bays. Huatulco has been awarded the Green Globe certification, and it is the only resort in Mexico to receive this prestigious award (Green Globe is the worldwide benchmarking and certification system for the travel and tourism industry across the triple bottom line of economic, social and environmental management).

Climate

Sunshine can be expected about 330 days a year with the average temperature of 28 °C (82.4 °F). The dry season extends from December to May and the rainy season is from June to November. The amount of precipitation has a definite effect on the local vegetation, being brownish in the dry season and very green in the rainy season.

Legends say the Toltecs and Quetzalcoatl came from this area. Quetzalcoátl, according to a later legend, set an enormous and indestructible cross. Various people have passed through this area, including the Chatmos, the Zapotecs and the Mexicas.

After the Spanish Conquest, Huatulco thrived as a port under Hernán Cortés’s control serving as a vantage point for Spanish galleons and a distribution centre for supplies on the Pacific coast. The latter half of the 16th Century saw Huatulco attacked by Francis Drake and Thomas Cavendish—both of whom left their prints on the region’s history and legends that continue to this day.

Until resort development began in the 1980s, Huatulco was little known except as a coffee-growing area. In 1984, FONATUR (Fondo Nacional de Turismo), a government agency dedicated to the development of tourism in Mexico, acquired 21,000 hectares of land to develop a tourism center, similar to that in Cancún. The existing population was relocated to Santa María Huatulco. The plan resulted in the improvement of roadways and other infrastructure. It also has populated areas mixed with “green zones” to make the area ecologically friendlier.

The entire area has a “small town” feel about it and is rarely crowded with tourists with the exception of the Christmas and Semana Santa holiday periods.

In addition to the beaches, there are small communities of Bahias de Huatulco, such as Santa Cruz, La Crucecita, or old Santa María Huatulco (the municipal seat).

There are a number of coffee plantations which are still in operation and give tours, including Finca (farm) Las Nieves, Finca Monte Carlos, Finca Margaritas, Finca El Pacífico and Finca La Gloria. Finca El Pacífico is known for the organic coffee it produces called “Pluma Hidalgo,” and it is surrounded by waterfalls and ravines. Finca La Gloria is known for the butterfly sanctuary “Mariposorio Dain Biguid”, where dozens of species of butterflies can be seen and the “Llano Grande Falls”. The Río Copalitilla has its source here as well.

Bocana del Río Copalita

The Bocana del Río Copalita is a 2,500-year-old archaeological site located about ten kilometers from the bays, which is open to the public. The name means “place of copal” and covers an areas of about thirty five hectares. It is believed to have been on the border between Zapotec and Mixtec dominions. Landmarks of the site include a main temple, a temple dedicated to a serpent god, a Mesoamerican ball court and a site museum.

The Festival Música por la Tierra (Music Festival for the Earth) features music and culture in an event designed to raise awareness about the environment. The event features a number of rock and popular music groups.

Although the improvements in infrastructure, Bahias de Huatulco is not as easy to get to as other resorts like Cancun.

The drive south from Acapulco on Federal Highway 200 has over 300 speed bumps.

Driving from Oaxaca city, the state capital is not any easier because Federal Highway 175 is also full of speed bumps. Federal Highway 190 has fewer but it’s a much longer road with many curves due to the mountainous terrain.

Bahias de Huatulco has an airport, the Bahías de Huatulco International Airport, which is served nationally by Interjet, and Magnicharters, from other Mexican airports. Several airlines fly here from the U.S. and Canada.

Huatulco’s new International Airport (HUX), has increased tourism not only in Huatulco, but in other nearby beaches like Mazunte and Zipolite.

Every day flights arrive from Mexico City, bringing tourists to the beach. This airport, and new road construction in Oaxaca have made Oaxaca’s Pacific coast an increasingly popular destination for Mexican and International tourists as well.

Transportation between the communities is available by bus or taxi.

Mitla is one of many well-preserved archeological sites of the Oaxaca Valley, where the dry climate has conserved sites as old as 10,000 years. This valley was settled by the Zapotecs who over the centuries developed a hierarchical society governed by kings and nobles. While the valley was relatively isolated, the Zapotecs did have contacts with other Mesoamerican peoples. By the time the Spanish arrived, the Zapotec state had a population of over 500,000, sophisticated construction techniques, a writing system, two calendar systems and agriculture that included the growing of maize, beans, squash, and chili peppers, using irrigation and terraces in the mountains to grow food for a mostly urban population.

Mitla itself was inhabited at least since the Classic Period (100-650 CE) and perhaps from as early as 900 BCE. It began as a fortified village on the outer edge of the valley and later became the main religious center for the area. The Mixtecs took control of the area around 1000 CE, although the area remained populated by the Zapotec. The city reached its height and largest size between 750 and 1521, with both Zapotec and Mixtec influences in its architecture during that time. Mitla is one of the pre-Columbian sites that represent the Mesoamerican belief that death was the most consequential part of life after birth. It was built as a gateway between the world of the living and the world of the dead.

Mitla was still occupied and functioning as the main religious center when the Spanish arrived in the 1520s. The high priest, called the Uija-tào, resided at Mitla, and the Spanish likened him to the pope. Nobles buried at Mitla were destined to become “cloud people” who would intercede on behalf of the population below. At that time the urban center covered an area of 1 to 2 square kilometres (0.39 to 0.77 sq mi) with suburban areas surrounding it. In the rural areas, intensive agriculture was practiced over an area of more than 20 square kilometres (7.7 sq mi) to feed the city.

During the early colonial period, some of the best descriptions of the site come from the soldiers and missionaries who arrived first in the valley. One of the first to write formally about Mitla was Friar Toribio de Benavente Motolina in the mid 16th century. He states that the name meant “hell.” As the site held great political and religious significance for the area, most of the buildings suffered destruction, dismantling and sacking, with a few buildings spared. Some of the rooms of the site were inhabited by the Spanish clergy. This destruction was ordered by Oaxacan Archbishop Albuquerque in 1553. The remains were used as building materials for churches, including the Church of San Pablo, which sits on top of part of the ruins. The north side of the Cathedral of Oaxaca also has design features from Mitla to symbolize the new religious order.

In the state of Oaxaca, Mitla is second in importance as an archeological site only to Monte Alban. At the beginning of the 20th century, the government of Porfirio Díaz chose Mitla to be one of the emblematic symbols of pre-Hispanic Mexico for Centennial celebrations of Mexico’s Independence. Alfonso Caso, the archaeologist who excavated Monte Albán, also did work at Mitla in the 1920s and 1930s. Mitla has been the site of further excavations since the 1980s with important work done on the North Group as well as the colonial church around the start of the 20th century. For the bicentennial celebrations in 2010, INAH has been intensifying efforts to conserve the ancient ruins.

Instead of being a group of pyramids on a hill, as at Monte Albán, Mitla is a group of constructions built on the valley floor, and it lacks the wide and far vistas of Monte Alban. The architecture is geared more for the comfort of the residents than for magnificence. The construction of Mitla as a ceremonial center began in 850, and the city was still being expanded when the Spaniards arrived and destroyed it. The oldest group of buildings has been dated to between 450 and 700 CE and shows architectural features similar to those found at the earlier Monte Alban. Mitla is one of the few sites that originated in the Classic period. The site represents the most developed architecture of the Zapotecs and is the product of the syncretism of Mixtec and Zapotec design features which reached its height in 1200. Such syncretism can also be seen in the Catholic churches built over the foundations of destroyed temples in this area, such as the San Pedro Church located in the North Group and the Calvario Chapel, located in the Adobe Group.

The construction of the stone walls appears to have been the same for all groups: a core of mud and stone covered with plaster or well-cut trachyte rock. Some of the large stones, such as those used as columns and lintels, weigh as much as 18 tons.

Today the archeological consists of five groups of buildings with a fence of cactus plants surrounding much of it. The five groups of constructions are called the South Group, the Adobe Group, the Arroyo Group, the Columns or Palace Group and the Church or North Group. All of the groups’ buildings are aligned with the cardinal directions. The South Group and the Adobe Group have been classified as ceremonial centers with central plazas surrounded by mound structures. The South, Columns and Church Groups have been classified as palaces with rooms surrounding square courtyards. The two best preserved groups are the Columns Group and the Church Group, both at the north end of the site.

The Columns Group and the Church Group were both fully excavated and restored by the early 1980s and are open to the public. Both consists of rectangular courtyards surrounded by one story rectangular buildings with long narrow rooms.

The Church or North Group lies at the entrance to the site. In the 16th century, the Spanish built the Church of San Pablo here, which remains on top of a large pre-Hispanic platform which serves as the church atrium. It was believed that in this group lived the lord and lady of the underworld, so the church was built here to keep the “devil” from escaping. The group also contains the main temple, called the yohopàe, which translates to “house of the vital force.” This temple faces a large courtyard. The portal to the temple is flanked by two large columns, which leads into an antechamber. This antechamber once had a roof, supported by six columns, but only the columns and walls remain. Beyond the antechamber is the main one, where priests burned incense, made sacrifices and performed other rites. Behind the main chamber is the living quarters of the priests. Walls everywhere in this building are covered by intricate mosaic fretwork and murals depicting mythological scenes and characters. There are tombs under some of the buildings. These tombs have stairs that descend from the patio area and have a cross layout. Inside they are decorated with mosaics. One of the tombs has an entrance that is divided by a thick column. This column is popularly known as the “Columna de la Vida” (Column of Life). According to legend, one is supposed to wrap one’s arms around the column, and the space remaining between the hands indicate the amount of life the individual has left.

To the south of the Church Group is the Columns Group, whose main building is called the Palace. This group has two entrances to the outside that face south. The entrance room contains immense columns which support the roof. The north wall has a small opening facing the patio, supposedly for crossing into the afterlife. The main building is called the Palace or the Grand Hall of Columns. It measures 120 by 21 feet (36.6 by 6.4 m) and has six columns of volcanic stone that once supported the roof. After passing through a small corridor, access is gained to the courtyard, which is intricately decorated in mosaic fretwork and geometric designs. The north and east buildings of the group have elaborate tombs where high priests and Zapotec rulers were buried. In front of the stairs of the north building is a cross-shaped tomb with an antechamber. The ceiling has large beams made of stone and the walls are decorated with tablets and stone fretwork. The east building is characterized by a monolithic stone column which supports the roof.

The main distinguishing feature of Mitla is the intricate mosaic fretwork and geometric designs that profusely adorn the walls of both the Church and Columns groups. The geometric patterns called grecas in Spanish seen on some of the stone walls and door frames are made from thousands of cut, polished stones that are fitted together without mortar. The pieces were set against a stucco background painted red. The stones are held in place by the weight of the stones that surround them. Walls, friezes and tombs are decorated with mosaic fretwork. In some cases, such as in lintels, these stone “tiles” are embedded directly into the stone beam. The elaborate mosaics are considered to be a type of “Baroque” design as the designs are elaborate and intricate and in some cases cover entire walls. None of the fretwork designs are repeated exactly anywhere in the complex. The fretwork here is unique in all of Mesoamerica.

The two main concerns for the Mitla site are the eroding effects of wind, rain etc. and graffiti. The latter, which is mostly painted or etched, has been a serious problem at least since the early 20th century. To protect the ruins, especially the grecas, shelters have been constructed over a number of the rooms of the Palace or Columns Group. These shelters are palm thatched roofs supported by wooden beams and columns, and are intended to mimic roofs that were common in the Mesoamerican period. Reconstruction projects planned or underway include, rebuilding the 17th century wall of a room used as a priests’ residence in the Church Group, laying stucco floors in the Columns Group, the sealing of platforms and fortifications walls, landscaping and the restoration of a colonial era rainwater collection tank. The last was the only one of its kind built in the valley during the colonial period.

Mitla is one of the sites to be included in a planned program called the Archeology Corridor of Oaxaca Valley (Corredor Arqueológico del Valle de Oaxaca) with goals of maintaining and restoring ruins as well as making the site more accessible for visitors. In addition, there are efforts to get the site of Mitla designated as a World Heritage site by archeologists such as Nelly Robles. It is listed on Mexico’s list of national heritage sites called the Lista Indicativa del Patromonio Nacional. The entry on the list includes the Mitla ruins along with the Tree of Tule and nearby caves which have paintings and show human habitation for 80,000 years.

Mitla is the second most visited archeological site in the state of Oaxaca. The Mitla site is very important to the modern town of San Pablo Villa de Mitla, as tourist related activities support most of the economy, but many residents here feel that neither the site or the town is promoted sufficiently by the government. Authorities who administer the site state that tourism is rising. Most visitors are Mexicans who visit on weekends from Veracruz and Puebla states, and most foreigners who visit are European. On average 500 people per day visit the site.

The etymology of the site’s present-day name is unclear, and tentative suggestions regarding its origin range from a presumed corruption of a native Zapotec name such as “Danibaan” (Sacred Hill) to a colonial-era reference to a Spanish soldier by the name Montalbán or to the Alban Hills of Italy.

The ancient Zapotec name of the city is not known, as abandonment occurred centuries before the writing of the earliest available ethnohistorical sources.

As indicated by Blanton’s survey of the site, the Monte Albán hills appear to have been uninhabited prior to 500 BCE (the end of the Rosario ceramic phase).

At that time, San José Mogote was the major population center in the valley and head of a chiefdom that likely controlled much of the northern Etla branch. Perhaps as many as three or four other smaller chiefly centers controlled other sub-regions of the valley, including Tilcajete in the southern Valle Grande branch and Yegüih in the Tlacolula arm to the east.

Competition and warfare seem to have characterized the Rosario phase, and the regional survey data suggests the existence of an unoccupied buffer zone between the San José Mogote chiefdom and those to the south and east.

It is within this no-man’s land that at the end of the Rosario period Monte Albán was founded, quickly reaching a population estimate of around 5,200 by the end of the following Monte Albán Ia phase (ca.300 BCE).

This remarkable population increase was accompanied by an equally rapid decline at San José Mogote and neighbouring satellite sites, making it likely that its chiefly elites were directly involved in the founding of the future Zapotec capital.

This rapid shift in population and settlement, from dispersed localized settlements to a central urban site in a previously unsettled area, has been referred to as the “Monte Alban Synoikism” by Marcus and Flannery in reference to similar recorded instances in the Mediterranean area in antiquity. Although it was previously thought that a similar process of large-scale abandonment, and thus participation in the founding of Monte Albán, occurred at other major chiefly centers such as Yegüih and Tilcajete, at least in the latter’s case this now appears to be unlikely.

A recent project directed by Charles Spencer and Elsa Redmond of the American Museum of Natural History in New York has shown that rather than being abandoned the site actually grew significantly in population during the periods Monte Albán Early I and Late I (ca. 500-300 BCE and 300-100 BCE, respectively) and might have actively opposed incorporation into the increasingly powerful Monte Albán state.

By the beginning of the Terminal Formative (Monte Albán II phase, ca. 100 BCE-CE 200) Monte Albán had an estimated population of 17,200 making it one of the largest Mesoamerican cities at the time.

The city has excellent views all the way around. As its political power grew, Monte Albán expanded militarily, through cooption, and via outright colonization into several areas outside the Valley of Oaxaca, including the Cañada de Cuicatlán to the north and the southern Ejutla and Sola de Vega valleys.

During this period and into the subsequent Early Classic (Monte Albán IIIA phase, ca. CE 200-500) Monte Albán was the capital of a major regional polity that exerted a dominating influence over the Valley of Oaxaca and across much of the Oaxacan highlands.

As mentioned earlier, evidence at Monte Albán is suggestive of high-level contacts between the site’s elites and those at the powerful central Mexican city of Teotihuacan, where archaeologists have identified a neighbourhood inhabited by ethnic Zapotecs from the valley of Oaxaca.

By the Late Classic (Monte Albán IIIB/IV, ca. CE 500-1000) the site’s influence outside and inside the valley declined, and elites at several other centers, once part of the Monte Albán state, began to assert their autonomy, including sites such as Cuilapan and Zaachila in the Valle Grande and Lambityeco, Mitla, and El Palmillo in the eastern Tlacolula arm. The latter is the focus of an ongoing project by Gary Feinman and Linda Nicholas of Chicago’s Field Museum.

By the end of the same period (ca. AD 900-1000) the ancient capital was largely abandoned, and the once-powerful Monte Albán state was replaced by dozens of competing for smaller polities, a situation that lasted up to the Spanish conquest.

Being visible from anywhere in the central part of the Valley of Oaxaca, the impressive ruins of Monte Albán attracted visitors and explorers throughout the colonial and modern eras.

Among others, Guillermo Dupaix investigated the site in the early 19th century CE, J. M. García published a description of the site in 1859, and A. F. Bandelier visited and published further descriptions in the 1890s.

A first intensive archaeological exploration of the site was conducted in 1902 by Leopoldo Batres, then General Inspector of Monuments for the Mexican government under Porfirio Diaz.

It was however only in 1931 that large-scale scientific excavations were undertaken under the direction of Mexican archaeologist Alfonso Caso. In 1933, Eulalia Guzmán assisted with the excavation of Tomb 7.

Over the following eighteen years, Caso and his colleagues Ignacio Bernal and Jorge Acosta excavated large sections within the monumental core of the site, and much of what is visible today in areas open to the public was reconstructed at that time.

Besides resulting in the excavation of a large number of residential and civic-ceremonial structures and hundreds of tombs and burials, one lasting achievement of the project by Caso and his colleagues was the establishment of a ceramic chronology (phases Monte Albán I through V) for the period between the site’s founding in ca. 500 BCE to end of the Postclassic period in CE 1521.

The investigation of the periods preceding Monte Albán’s founding was a major focus of the Prehistory and Human Ecology Project started by Kent Flannery of the University of Michigan in the late 1960s.
Over the following two decades this project documented the development of socio-political complexity in the valley from the earliest Archaic period (ca. 8000-2000 BCE) to the Rosario phase (700-500 BCE) immediately preceding Monte Albán, thus setting the stage for an understanding of the latter’s founding and developmental trajectory.
In this context, among the major accomplishments of Flannery’s work in Oaxaca are his extensive excavations at the important formative center of San José Mogote in the Etla branch of the valley, a project co-directed with Joyce Marcus of the University of Michigan.

A further important step in the understanding of the history of occupation of the Monte Albán site was reached with the Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Valley of Oaxaca Project begun by Richard Blanton and several colleagues in the early 1970s. It is only with their intensive survey and mapping of the entire site that the real extension and size of Monte Albán beyond the limited area explored by Caso became known.
Subsequent seasons of the same project under the direction of Blanton, Gary Feinman, Steve Kowalewski, Linda Nicholas, and others extended the survey coverage to practically the entire valley, producing an invaluable amount of data on the region’s changing settlement patterns from the earliest times to the arrival of the Spanish in CE 1521.

The partially excavated civic-ceremonial center of the Monte Albán site is situated atop an artificially-leveled ridge, which with an elevation of about 1,940 m (6,400 ft) above mean sea level rises some 400 m from the valley floor, in an easily defensible location. In addition to the aforementioned monumental core, the site is characterized by several hundred artificial terraces and a dozen clusters of mounded architecture covering the entire ridgeline and surrounding flanks.

Besides being one of the earliest cities of Mesoamerica, Monte Albán’s importance stems also from its role as the pre-eminent Zapotec socio-political and economic center for close to a thousand years. Founded toward the end of the Middle Formative period at around 500 BC, by the Terminal Formative (ca.100 BC-AD 200) Monte Albán had become the capital of a large-scale expansionist polity that dominated much of the Oaxacan highlands and interacted with other Mesoamerican regional states such as Teotihuacan to the north (Paddock 1983; Marcus 1983). The city had lost its political pre-eminence by the end of the Late Classic (ca. AD 500-750) and soon thereafter was largely abandoned. Small-scale reoccupation, opportunistic reutilization of earlier structures and tombs, and ritual visitations marked the archaeological history of the site into the Colonial period.

Main Plaza

The Gran Plaza was the heart of the ceremonial center, and headquarters for the priestly class. The monumental center of Monte Albán is the Main Plaza, which measures approximately 300 meters by 200 meters. The perimeter is lined with buildings, and also contains four structures in the middle. The site’s main civic-ceremonial and elite-residential structures are located around it or in its immediate vicinity, and most of these have been explored.

To the north and south the Main Plaza is delimited by large platforms accessible from the plaza via monumental staircases.

On its eastern and western sides the plaza is similarly bounded by a number of smaller platform mounds on which stood temples and elite residences, as well as one of two ballcourts known to have existed at the site.

A north-south spine of mounds occupies the center of the plaza and similarly served as platforms for ceremonial structures.

Ball court

Upon entering the Gran Plaza, the first structure you come across is the Juego de Pelota (100 BC). Contrary to other Mesoamerican cities, there is no evidence that the outcome of the games led to death. Instead, this and the four other ball courts at Monte Alban were more like modern day judicial courts, settling disputes.

Games were played with a rubber ball that led to points when it went through the rings on either side of the ball court. The difficult part for the players was that they could only use their hips, elbows, and knees.

Despite looking like seats today, the sloping sides of the arena were coated with a thick mixture of lime to form a polished surface for the ball to slide back down into the center.

Although you get a good view of the Juego de Pelota before you descend into the Gran Plaza, follow the path left around the ball court. The viewpoint from the other side provides a backdrop of a pyramid and lush trees. The path then leads to the floor of the Gran Plaza.

Edificio P

Heading towards the South Platform, the second building on your left is Edificio P.
Building P is significant as it helped the Zapotec keep track of the calendar.
The light chamber formed by a narrow chimney in the stairway marked the sun’s zenith twice a year.

El Palacio

Constructed during the golden age, this building was once a temporary home to the elite of Monte Alban. Although you can’t climb up the stairs, you can still see the blind entrance.

The narrow pathway directly behind the door blocks the view into the palace, providing privacy for its occupants.

At the center of the patio is a small alter adjacent to a tunnel. The tunnel has yet to be explored, but it is thought to have been used for access to other structures in the Gran Plaza.

El Observatorio

The last structure in the center of the Gran Plaza is the irregular shaped Observatory (100 BC).
Whereas all the other buildings in Monte Alban align to a grid layout, the Observatory defies all rules.
Shaped like an arrowhead, it was built to observe heavenly events.

In Zapotec culture, astronomy played a crucial role in urban planning as astronomy was undertaken daily. Only a select few high class citizens were trained, since childhood, in astronomical observation.

They were able to calculate agricultural cycles, predict the seasonal variances, and the proximity of the rainy season. The knowledge they possessed helped create the development of the State in Monte Alban.

On the south side of the Observatory are hieroglyphs depicting the conquests of other towns between 100 BC to 200 AD. An upside down head placed under the symbol for Monte Alban symbolizes each victory.

This is thought to have reinforced the notion of a powerful army among residents, and a deterrence for potential attackers.

Plataforma Sur

Before you climb the imposing Plataforma Sur, take a look at the base cornerstones that have detailed reliefs.
At the top are two more structures, but the highlight is the panoramic lookout.
You can see the entire city of Monte Alban on one side, and then the commanding view of the valley from the other side of the platform.

TPA Complexes

The west side of Monte Alban’s Gran Plaza is bookended by two temple-patio-altar complexes.
These are thought to mirror the function of modern day churches, and served as ceremonial enclosures.
The walls most likely supported wood and earth roofs to provide privacy for participants.
Sacrifices and offerings probably occurred at the central altar.

Galeria de los Danzantes

One characteristic of Monte Albán is the large number of carved stone monuments one encounters throughout the plaza. The earliest examples are the so-called “Danzantes” (literally, dancers), found mostly in the vicinity of Building L and which represent naked men in contorted and twisted poses, some of them genitally mutilated. The artistic representation of facial features shows an Olmec influence.

The current theory for the engravings is that they depict the rulers from neighboring towns that were captured and sacrificed.
There is evidence that indicates the men were castrated, and the blood was used for an offering to the gods or in a fertility ritual.
The presence of symbols and numerals creates a timeline for Monte Alban’s history.
The only unaltered section is the roof, as the Zapotecs dismantled the remaining walls to be used in future buildings.

The figures are said to represent sacrificial victims, which explains the morbid characteristics of the figures. The Danzantes feature physical traits characteristic of Olmec culture.

The 19th century notion that they depict dancers is now largely discredited, and these monuments, dating to the earliest period of occupation at the site (Monte Albán I), are now seen to clearly represent tortured, sacrificed war prisoners, some identified by name, and may depict leaders of competing centers and villages captured by Monte Albán.

Over 300 “Danzantes” stones have been recorded to date, and some of the better-preserved ones can be viewed at the site’s museum.

Edificio L

Sandwiched between the two TPA Complexes is Building L.
Archeologists theorize that El Palacio on the other side of the Gran Plaza was used as a residence, but this palace was primarily used for administrative and ceremonial purposes.

Much like a modern office, the shape of the rooms were in constant flux. Over the years, they were shortened or enlarged several times to accommodate different requirements.
Located on the left side of Building L is a pair of tombs.

Since it is not common in Monte Alban culture to have exterior tombs, it reflects earlier construction. You will find a series of reliefs on the interior wall if you duck your head and enter the semi-exposed chamber.

Stela 18

Have you ever wondered what a Mesoamerican clock looked like? Well, this basic stela at the Monte Alban is it.
Stela 18 was used to mark the zenith each day.
Midday was one of only four subdivisions in a day for pre-Hispanics. In addition, the stela’s shadow also marked the changing of seasons.
During the summer and winter solstices, the shadow would extend the furthest south and north respectively.

Stela 9

Stela 9 is composed of four distinct glyphs, one for each face and direction.
The southern face depicts an embellished male figure. Facing the east, the carvings show two priests talking.
The western side showcases a very important priest, and the dates that mark his accomplishments.
The most important relief is on the north side, and features a prominent man listening to another.
Numeric and symbolic glyphs at the base may mark an important milestone for the site. Based on the placement of the stela, these people probably performed these actions on the North Platform.

North Platform

The North Platform is one of the most complex aspects of Monte Alban. The sheer size combined with the quantity of structures and interconnections is remarkable.

Depending on changing functions, the platform was constantly being remodeled over the years.
Try to imagine yourself walking beneath a giant portico supported by 12 columns, and descending into a recessed patio.
Whereas the masses could congregate in the Gran Plaza, only the elite would be able to ascend to discuss more private affairs.
While at the top, take your time and enjoy the view over the Gran Plaza from among the columns.
Turning around, you can appreciate the hidden Patio Hundido, and two structures on both sides.
To the far right is the substantial VG Complex.

The VG Complex

The VG Complex had ceremonial purposes in the past, but now is referenced by the topographical measuring point used to map Monte Alban.
The structures to the north, east, and south all were temples.
The distinctive temple is to the west, where two columns of foreign stone supported a roof.
Engraved on the columns is the ‘God of the Wide Beaked Bird’.

When the temple on the south side expanded, a staircase was built from the main level of the North Platform to the top of the temple.
Along the way, the Zapotec’s placed a stela to document part of Monte Alban’s history.
The glyphs depict the transfer of power from generation to generation.
The striking aspect is that four out of five people were women!
Perhaps we have a lot to learn about gender equality from our Mesoamerican ancestors.

Edificio Enjoyado

On the way to the exit, and beneath the east temple of the VG Complex, there is a structure with stone disc panels.

The decoration found on Edificio Enjoyado appears on only two other buildings, but neither are in as good condition. The combination of these designs, a collection of ceramics, and a possible mica workshop lead archeologists to believe there was a small Teotihuacan population in Monte Alban.

It is known that some Zapotec’s resided in Teotihuacan, so it may have been the world’s first exchange program.
It is also noteworthy that this platform leads directly to the North Platform so the two cultures must have been intertwined more than we know.

Tombs

Most homes of Monte Alban citizens were not constructed to last. However, the ruling class built their homes out of stone, mud, adobe, lime, and sand.

That is why visitors are still able to see the foundations, and the tombs were discovered still intact. All tombs have since been sealed to prevent deterioration, with artifacts inside being relocated to local museums.

Both the wealth and importance of the individual entombed helped to determine the quantity and quality of the goods they were buried with. These often included objects made from clay, stone, shell, jade, bone, gold, and silver.

The Mexican tradition, Day of the Dead, of placing food and offerings on gravestones originates from this tradition.

Hacia la Tumba 104

Tucked away in the northwest corner of Monte Alban is Hacia la Tumba 104.
The walls of the elegant house are grouped around a central patio.
Inside the tomb was a wide assortment of ornate clay products.
The surrounding walls were painted with priests bearing gifts.

Residencia y Tumba 56

Tumba 56 is rather small, but what makes it special is the archway that leads to the tomb.
Large slabs of stone were used to create the arch of the roof.
Inside was one small niche where offerings were placed.

Hacia la Tumba 7

Located to the west of the parking lot, and before the official entrance to Monte Alban is Tomb 7.
This tomb is famous for the Mixtec treasure, and is the best reason to visit Museo de las Culturas de Oaxaca.

Hacia la Tumba 105 y Juego de Pelota Chica

These two structures are located behind the small parking lot.
They are technically free to visit, but you will definitely want to still see the rest of Monte Alban.
The tomb is underneath the palace, which is one of the largest at the site.
The small ball court looks like it was a training facility for kids to practice before moving up to the ‘big leagues’.

Building J

A different type of carved stone is found on the nearby Building J in the center of the Main Plaza, a building characterized by an unusual arrow-like shape and an orientation that differs from most other structures at the site. Inserted within the building walls are over 40 large carved slabs dating to Monte Albán II and depicting place-names, occasionally accompanied by additional writing and in many cases characterized by upside-down heads.

Alfonso Caso was the first to identify these stones as “conquest slabs”, likely listing places the Monte Albán elites claimed to have conquered and/or controlled. Some of the places listed on Building J slabs have been tentatively identified, and in one case (the Cañada de Cuicatlán region in northern Oaxaca) Zapotec conquest has been confirmed through archaeological survey and excavations.

***

The site of Monte Alban contains several pieces of evidence through the architecture of the site to suggest that there was social stratification within the settlement. Walls that were as large as nine meters tall and twenty meters wide were built around the settlement and would have been used not only to create a boundary between Monte Alban and neighboring settlements but also prove the power of the elites within the community.

In Scott Hutson’s analysis of the relationships between the commoners and the elites in Monte Alban he notes that the monumental mounds that were found in the site seemed to be evenly spaced throughout the site so that each house would be close enough to a mound that it could easily be kept under surveillance. Hutson also makes note that over time the style of houses seem to have changed to become more private to those living in the buildings making it harder for information to be obtained by outsiders. These changes to the ability of the elites to gain information about the private lives of its citizens would have played a key role in the internal political structure of the settlement.

Many of the artifacts excavated at Monte Albán in over a century of archaeological exploration can be seen at the Museo Nacional de Antropologia in Mexico City and at the Museo Regional de Oaxaca in the ex-convento de Santo Domingo de Guzmán in Oaxaca City. The latter museum houses, among others, many of the objects discovered in 1932 by Alfonso Caso in Monte Albán’s Tomb 7, a Classic period Zapotec tomb that was opportunistically reused in Postclassic times for the burial of Mixtec elite individuals. Their burial was accompanied by some of the most spectacular burial offerings of any site in the Americas.

The site is a popular tourist destination for visitors to Oaxaca and has a small site museum mostly displaying original carved stones from the site. Trails at the site are also used by joggers, hikers, and birders.